The Rt. Hon. Mark Carney
Prime Minister of Canada
Ottawa, Ontario
Sent via email

Dear Prime Minister Carney,

​The Hellenic Canadian Research Institute writes to express its deep concern regarding your upcoming visit to Turkey from October 21 to 23, 2026, and the stated intention to “elevate” the Canada–Turkey partnership in various sectors, including plans to deepen cooperation in defence and security.​

While constructive diplomacy and balanced trade agreements remain essential to Canada’s international engagement - particularly as global trade dynamics continue to evolve under this current Trump administration - we must firmly oppose any effort to expand cooperation with Turkey in the defence and security sector, given the country’s troubling human‑rights record, increasingly aggressive foreign policy, and longstanding inconsistencies in its behaviour as an ally.

Throughout 2026, we have observed a very concerning trend in Canadian government communications repeatedly asserting that Turkey is an “important strategic ally” to Canada and the West. This shift in language appears sudden and historically unfounded, lacking any historical or contemporary basis that would justify such a designation. We believe it is essential to address this narrative before it becomes accepted as fact.

Turkey has not historically acted as an important strategic ally to Canada or to her other Western partners. Rather than aligning with shared priorities or collective security, Turkey has consistently pursued its own interests, even at moments of profound global consequence. During the First World War, the Ottoman Empire joined the Central Powers against the Allied forces, and over 30 Newfoundlanders were killed in direct engagements with Turkish troops during the Gallipoli campaign. In the Second World War, Turkey remained strictly neutral for nearly the entire conflict and signed a friendship agreement with Nazi Germany on June 18, 1941, at a moment when Canada and its allies were fighting for the survival of Europe.

More recently, Turkey’s conduct has continued to diverge from the principles and commitments expected of a reliable partner. Its ambivalent posture during Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, its transactional approach to NATO obligations, and its permissive environment during the rise of ISIS all demonstrate a pattern of selective engagement rather than genuine alliance. Turkey’s political support and hosting of Hamas-affiliated figures, coupled with its expanding channels of communication with Hezbollah, undermine its alignment with the security priorities of Canada and the West. At home, Turkey has presided over a severe deterioration in human‑rights protections, including the repression of political opposition, widespread restrictions on media and civil society, and the erosion of judicial independence.

Mr. Prime Minister, looking specifically at the defence and security sector, we urge you to consider the following critical issues that directly contradict the notion of Turkey as an important strategic ally to Canada and the West:

• Cyprus: Turkey maintains an over five-decade illegal military occupation involving demographic engineering and property exploitation. Canada's peacekeeping mission there resulted in the deaths of 28 Canadian soldiers as a direct consequence of Turkey's aggression and continued occupation of the island.
• Greece: Turkey engages in confrontational behaviour toward Greece, including airspace violations, naval incidents, and sovereignty challenges in the Aegean Sea, undermining regional and NATO stability.
• Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh): Turkey diverted Canadian-made drone technology to Azerbaijan during the 2020 conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh), breaching end-use assurances with Canada. This enabled operations leading to the ethnic cleansing of the Armenian population.
• Exploiting Geopolitical Distraction: Capitalizing on the global distraction of the October 7 war between Israel and Hamas, Turkey intensified airstrikes against civilian infrastructure and agricultural sites in Kurdish areas of Iraq and Syria.
• Syria: Turkey's military occupation and establishment of a northern Syria "buffer zone" has caused large-scale displacement of Kurdish communities, systemic looting, and demographic engineering.
• Human Rights: International watchdogs document persistent repression of ethnic and other minorities, the erosion of judicial independence, and systemic state-enabled discrimination.

Canada’s international engagement must be guided by principle, consistency, and respect for international law. Elevating defence and security cooperation with Turkey would contradict these commitments, risking entangling Canada in actions that undermine our global credibility.​

We urge you to reconsider any defence and security‑related engagement during your visit and to ensure that Canada’s partnerships abroad reflect our values, our history, and our responsibilities.

Sincerely,

​Hellenic Canadian Research Institute

During the General Debate of the 81st Session of the General Assembly of the United Nations (New York, 22 - 26 and 28 September 2026), Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, President of Turkey, said that Gaza “has become the most inhumane and shameful concentration camp of our time”, also lamenting that after the ceasefire, more than 1,500 in Gaza have been killed.

Turning to recent settler violence in the West Bank, he said, “we are faced with a genocidal mindset that can never get enough of killing”.

The situation is “shocking”, he stressed, noting that the United Nations has been rendered incapable of fulfilling its missions in crisis zones, including in Lebanon and Sudan.

​Calling for trust to be restored in the international system, he welcomed the UN80 Initiative while cautioning:  “If we are truly committed to restoring confidence in the UN, the steps are clear:  children in Gaza must be safe.”
​

​He called for Security Council reform, noting that “the world is bigger than five.” Moreover, “international law must not be applied differently for the strong than for the weak”, he said, decrying impunity and warning that “such a system is doomed to decay”.

He also highlighted his country’s defence alliance with Saudi Arabia and Pakistan who are working together to address the conflict in the Gulf, adding, “Any efforts to spread these clashes to neighbouring regions serves no one’s interest.”

Turning to his country’s relationship with Europe, he recalled July’s “successful” NATO summit in Ankara, stressing that “A Europe that excludes Turkey from its security architecture cannot possibly be stronger or safer.”

His country’s security strategy will be shaped with this in mind.  Also, listing several threats to children, including technology, he condemned “gender neutralization policies” that have targeted kids, urging the protection of the institution of family consisting of women and men.

“Turkey will continue to take initiatives to protect the family despite attacks from certain lobby groups,” he said.

_____
UN Summary; Last update made on September 22, 2026.

​​
​By the Hellenic Canadian Research Institute

​Turkey’s announcement on August 15, 2026, of two new "national marine parks" in the northeastern Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean has been presented as an environmental milestone. But anyone who has watched Ankara’s behaviour in the region over the past decades will recognize the pattern immediately. This is not a marine‑protection initiative. It is a jurisdictional manoeuver — a strategic move dressed up in the language of conservation.

The details matter. One of the declared parks stretches from Tekirdağ toward the maritime space between the Greek islands of Samothrace and Lemnos. The other extends from Fethiye and Kaş toward the waters surrounding Kastellorizo, a small Greek island that has become a recurring target of Turkish revisionist claims. These zones reach well beyond Turkey’s territorial waters. They overlap with high‑seas areas and parts of the Greek continental shelf.

Under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), no state can unilaterally impose national jurisdiction on international waters or on another country’s continental shelf. Greece’s Foreign Ministry responded accordingly, stating that the decrees "produce absolutely no legal effect." That assessment is not rhetorical. It is simply what the law says.

But the legal dimension is only half the story. The strategic intent is the other half, and it is impossible to ignore.

Turkey is not a party to UNCLOS and has spent years advancing the "Blue Homeland" doctrine, a maximalist maritime vision that seeks to shrink the maritime zones generated by Greece's islands (as well as the Republic of Cyprus) and expand Turkish influence across the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean. The placement of these parks is entirely consistent with that doctrine. Kastellorizo has long been a focal point of Ankara’s challenges, and the waters between Lemnos and Samothrace have been contested by successive Turkish governments since the 1970s. These are not environmentally significant areas chosen for ecological reasons. They are politically significant areas chosen for strategic ones.

The risk here is not abstract. If unilateral environmental designations begin functioning as de facto territorial claims, the precedent erodes the foundations of maritime governance. It weakens the credibility of international law, undermines cooperative environmental protection, and rewards states that attempt to bypass legal processes through administrative manoeuvers. Marine conservation should be a domain of science‑based collaboration, not a convenient wrapper for jurisdictional expansion.

It is worth noting that Greece’s own marine parks — established in the Ionian and Aegean Seas — remain fully within Greek territorial waters. That is not a trivial distinction. It reflects a basic principle: environmental stewardship must operate within lawful boundaries, not attempt to redraw them.

Turkey’s move also carries major consequences as it injects tension into an already sensitive region, complicates NATO cohesion, and undermines efforts to stabilize Greek‑Turkish relations. At a moment when regional security requires predictability, Ankara’s unilateralism introduces uncertainty and avoidable friction. The use of environmental policy as a geopolitical instrument is not merely provocative, it is destabilizing.

Greece is entering a new phase in its long and complicated relationship with Turkey, one defined less by the “calm waters” of recent years and more by a deliberate effort to project confidence, military readiness and diplomatic reach. In an interview with the Greek newspaper To Vima Tis Kyriakis, Foreign Minister Giorgos Gerapetritis said the period of reduced tensions was never meant to be permanent. Instead, it served as a strategic pause that allowed Athens to rebuild its capabilities and reposition itself in a volatile region.

“Calm waters are not an end in themselves,” he told To Vima. “They are a means to serve our national objectives.”

According to Gerapetritis, the de‑escalation period produced measurable gains. Airspace violations dropped, migration flows stabilized and the islands of the Eastern Aegean saw economic relief. More importantly, he argues, Greece used the time to strengthen its alliances and modernize its armed forces—steps he believes now place the country “at the height of its international influence.”

A Defence Posture Rebuilt

Greece’s military, weakened during the Greek financial crisis of 2009-2018, has undergone a significant overhaul. The country has acquired Rafale fighter jets, upgraded its fleet of F‑16s, commissioned new Belharra frigates and is preparing for the arrival of F‑35 aircraft. Gerapetritis says these investments have shifted the balance in the Aegean. “Our forces are now in a position of superiority in air and sea,” he said.

The modernization is meant to deter unilateral actions by Turkey, which has expanded its defence industry and maintains military footprints in Libya and Syria. Ankara’s regional ambitions, including its promotion of the “Blue Homeland” doctrine, continue to shape the strategic environment.

The Athens Declaration Under Strain

The Athens Declaration, launched in 2023 to stabilize relations with Turkey through a structured three‑pillar dialogue, is now under pressure. Ankara’s recent moves—including new maritime claims and the announcement of two “environmental parks” extending into waters Greece considers part of its continental shelf—have raised questions about the viability of the framework.

Gerapetritis rejects the idea that the declaration is defunct. “In a volatile international environment, it is important to have a clear framework for peaceful resolution,” he said. He noted that the declaration marked the first time Turkey explicitly accepted globally recognized principles of international law.

Still, he was unequivocal about the new Turkish maritime parks initiative. The parks, he said, are “illegal” and “produce no legal effect,” adding that the decrees establishing them contain “only coordinates, not environmental protections.” Any attempt to infringe on Greek sovereign rights, he warned, would be met “with every appropriate means.”

Greece’s Maritime Strategy

Athens has advanced its own maritime agenda, completing its first comprehensive Maritime Spatial Plan and designating two new National Marine Parks in the Aegean and Ionian Seas. These initiatives impose environmental restrictions on navigation and fishing, but they also serve a strategic purpose: documenting Greece’s maritime zones in a manner consistent with international law.

Critics argue that Greece limited itself to six nautical miles while Turkey extended its claims into international waters. Gerapetritis dismissed the comparison. “International law is not applied à la carte,” he said, framing Greece’s adherence to the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) as a long‑term investment in legal credibility.

Strategic Partnerships Beyond the Aegean

Greece has deepened ties with Israel, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states, while maintaining strong relations with the United States and France. Gerapetritis described Greece as a net provider of regional security, pointing to its leadership roles in EU naval missions in the Red Sea and Central Mediterranean.

He also highlighted the Greece‑Cyprus electricity interconnection project, recently strengthened by French investor Meridiam, as evidence of growing European involvement in Eastern Mediterranean energy infrastructure.

A More Confident Greece

Gerapetritis insists that Greece’s foreign policy is sovereign and proactive. “The era of passive diplomatic inertia is over,” he said. “It has been replaced by an era of confidence and initiative.” As tensions with Turkey re‑emerge, Greece appears determined to anchor its strategy in international law, strengthened alliances and a modernized defence posture—while keeping diplomatic channels open, but firmly structured.

To read the full interview in Greek, click here.

_____
HCRI w/ notes from the CFR; MFAHR; NORDMON; IRIS; EKATH; PMHR; FDLMB; UN.

We are writing to formally submit our strong opposition to the proposed Canada-Turkey Free Trade Agreement (FTA) currently under public consultation. We believe that international trade agreements should serve as an extension of Canada's domestic principles and foreign policy commitments. Proceeding with this agreement poses severe risks to our national economic stability, domestic manufacturing sectors, and global standing as a defender of human rights.

Canada must not prioritize short-term commercial gains at the expense of our ethical responsibilities, legal standards, and global humanitarian values. An FTA with Turkey would effectively endorse and economically reward a regime characterized by severe democratic backsliding, international law violations, and systematic domestic repression.

Below, we have meticulously outlined our specific, substantive concerns. These points directly address the critical themes put forward in the government's public consultation framework:

1. Products Originating from the Illegal Turkish Occupation in Northern Cyprus: Any proposed FTA must strictly prohibit the importation of any agricultural products, natural resources, or manufactured goods derived from Turkey’s illegal military occupation of northern Cyprus, including any products that have been integrated into the Turkish supply chain from this region. For over five decades, the Turkish occupational forces have systematically seized Cypriot properties, factories, and agricultural lands. Crucially, these expropriated industries and agricultural sectors are now operated and staffed by tens of thousands of illegal settlers imported from mainland Turkey—a deliberate policy of demographic engineering designed to alter the island's population balance and erase its indigenous character in violation of the Geneva Conventions. Because Canada does not recognize this self-proclaimed entity, allowing goods manufactured, harvested, or processed within these occupied territories to enter the Canadian market under preferential tariffs would violate international law, legitimize forced demographic changes, and make Canada complicit in the economic exploitation of occupied Cypriot territories.
2. Products Originating from the Illegal Turkish Occupation in Northern Syria: Any proposed FTA must strictly prohibit the importation of any agricultural products, natural resources, or manufactured goods derived from Turkey’s illegal military occupation of northern Syria, including any products that have been integrated into the Turkish supply chain from this region. Since 2016, Turkish forces and affiliated militias have systematically seized Syrian properties, factories, and agricultural lands. Most notably, the Turkish military has exploited the region's lucrative olive sector, systematically weaponizing it to meet external market demands alongside other looted industries. Concurrently, Turkey has implemented an aggressive policy of demographic engineering, forcibly replacing the indigenous Kurdish population with non-local Syrian Arab refugees. Allowing goods manufactured, harvested, or processed within these occupied territories to enter the Canadian market under preferential tariffs would violate international law, legitimize forced demographic changes, and make Canada complicit in the economic exploitation of occupied Syrian territories.
3. Complicity in the Ethnic Cleansing of Artsakh: Any proposed FTA must explicitly and unconditionally exclude any weapons, military and non-military components, dual-use technologies, or related machinery in any direct or indirect manner, ensuring that even incidental Canadian components are strictly prohibited from entering the Turkish weapons sector. Canada previously had to suspend and halt drone technology exports to Turkey after the Turkish military illegally diverted Canadian-made drone technology to Azerbaijan during the 2020 Artsakh war. This direct complicity contributed to widespread civilian casualties and laid the groundwork for the ultimate ethnic cleansing and forced displacement of the region's indigenous Armenian population. A trade framework with Turkey must not ignore severe past breaches of end-use assurances that undermine Canada’s arms control integrity, nor must it signal that Canada will prioritize commercial interests over complicity in war crimes.
4. Oppressed Minorities and Underrepresented Groups: The Turkish state actively suppresses ethnic and religious minorities through political disenfranchisement, cultural erasure, and targeted legal persecution. This systemic discrimination directly impacts the Kurdish population, as well as Alevi, Armenian, Greek, Assyrian, Jewish, and Roma communities. Furthermore, women, LGBTQ+, and other marginalized communities face severe socio-economic disparities across the country.
5. Goods of Export/Import Interest and Sensitivities: Flooding the Canadian market with non-tariff Turkish manufacturing and textiles could create unfair competition for Canadian businesses. Turkey's lower production costs—driven by weaker regulatory standards—threaten local jobs and domestic market stability.
6. Regulatory and Safety: Stripping away necessary regulatory alignment and safety standards risks compromising consumer safety. Canada must not weaken its stringent technical, sanitary, and phytosanitary metrics simply to expedite import clearances.
7. Trade in Services: Opening service sectors to a market with heavily state-influenced enterprises threatens the competitive neutrality of Canadian service providers and limits protection for intellectual property.
8. Labour Rights and Cooperation: Strong independent labor unions face heavy restrictions in Turkey. Canada should not reward or economically integrate with a system where worker safety, collective bargaining, and fair wages are routinely undermined.
9. Environmental Protection and Conservation: Turkey has historically faced domestic criticism regarding environmental compliance and carbon output. Liberalizing trade without carbon-border adjustments risks outsourcing Canadian emissions to a less regulated environment, defeating global conservation efforts.
10. Governance, Anti-Corruption, and Human Rights: This is the most critical area of concern. International watchdogs frequently cite Turkey for severe regressions in the rule of law, freedom of speech, judicial independence, and human rights. Deepening economic ties directly undermines Canada’s commitment to a values-based foreign policy.
    
    

Canada's international trade strategy must prioritize partnerships with nations that mirror our domestic and international commitments to human rights, transparent governance, and rigorous environmental laws. Trade agreements are not merely economic instruments; they are powerful reflections of our national character, ethics, and geopolitical alignments. By entering into an agreement with a nation that routinely violates international norms, suppresses minority populations, and breaches critical defense end-use agreements, Canada risks compromising its own moral authority on the global stage.

For these reasons, we strongly urge the Government of Canada to immediately halt all Free Trade Agreement negotiations with Turkey. We must ensure that our economic relationships never come at the expense of justice, the rule of law, and basic human dignity.

Thank you for considering this submission.

Sincerely,

Hellenic Canadian Research Institute

Ελληνοκαναδικό Ερευνητικό Ινστιτούτο

Όταν ο Τούρκος Πρόεδρος Ρετζέπ Ταγίπ Ερντογάν μίλησε σε μια πολιτική συγκέντρωση στις 30 Ιουνίου 2026, τα λόγια του δεν ήταν απλώς μια υπεράσπιση της σύγχρονης εξωτερικής πολιτικής, αλλά μια σαρωτική προσπάθεια να ξαναγράψει αιώνες γεωπολιτικής πραγματικότητας. Απευθυνόμενος σε διεθνείς επικριτές σε ένα βίντεο που κοινοποίησε το Clash Report στο X, ο Ερντογάν δήλωσε:
​

Αυτή η απόλυτη ωραιοποίηση ενός αναίμακτου παρελθόντος δεν είναι τυχαία· αποτελεί το θεμελιώδες δόγμα της επίσημης κρατικής ιστοριογραφίας που προωθεί η Άγκυρα. Εκλαμβάνοντας τις βίαιες αναταράξεις της ύστερης Οθωμανικής Αυτοκρατορίας και της πρώιμης Τουρκικής Δημοκρατίας αποκλειστικά μέσα από ένα πρίσμα ηθικής ανωτερότητας, η συγκεκριμένη ρητορική επιδιώκει την πλήρη αμνηστία του κράτους από τις ιστορικές του ευθύνες. Στο επίσημο τουρκικό αφήγημα, οι κρατικές ενέργειες βαφτίζονται συστηματικά ως πράξεις αυτοάμυνας, δικαιοσύνης ή πατερναλιστικής συμπόνιας, ενώ οι ολέθριες απώλειες που υπέστησαν οι χριστιανικοί και μειονοτικοί πληθυσμοί υποβαθμίζονται σε απλές παράπλευρες απώλειες πολέμου ή αποδίδονται σε ξένο δάκτυλο και εξωτερικές συνωμοσίες.

Η ιστορική πραγματικότητα, ωστόσο, δεν παραχαράσσεται με κυβερνητικά διατάγματα ούτε μπορεί να κρυφτεί πίσω από τη σύγχρονη πολιτική σκοπιμότητα. Δεκαετίες εξονυχιστικής έρευνας από διεθνείς και Τούρκους ιστορικούς, ένας τεράστιος όγκος διπλωματικών εγγράφων από αυτόπτες μάρτυρες και τα ξεκάθαρα πλαίσια του διεθνούς δικαίου συνθέτουν μια εντελώς διαφορετική —και βαθιά ανησυχητική— εικόνα. Η μετάβαση από την πολυπολιτισμική Οθωμανική Αυτοκρατορία στο ομοιογενές, σύγχρονο τουρκικό εθνικό κράτος δεν υπήρξε προϊόν ειρηνικής συνύπαρξης, αλλά επισφραγίστηκε από μια σκόπιμη, κρατικά οργανωμένη εξάλειψη του πλούσιου πολιτισμικού μωσαϊκού της αυτοκρατορίας. Από τις σφαγές αντιποίνων και την τακτική της καμένης γης κατά την Ελληνική Επανάσταση του 1821-29, μέχρι τις συστηματικές γενοκτονίες του Πρώτου Παγκοσμίου Πολέμου και τις σύγχρονες πολιτικές εποικισμού και καταστολής των μειονοτήτων, τα ιστορικά δεδομένα είναι αμείλικτα και αποκαλύπτουν ένα διαχρονικό, επίμονο μοτίβο συστηματικής βίας, αναγκαστικής αφομοίωσης και εδαφικής επέκτασης.

Για να αξιολογηθεί ο ισχυρισμός του Προέδρου Ερντογάν περί μιας «ένδοξης» και ηθικής ιστορίας, δεν αρκεί να στεκόμαστε στην πολιτική ρητορική· επιβάλλεται η εξέταση των αδιάψευστων ιστορικών στοιχείων. Η καταγραφή που ακολουθεί στο Μέρος 1 δεν είναι εξαντλητική, αλλά αποκαλύπτει ένα μικρό μέρος της σκοτεινής πλευράς αυτής της ιστορίας.

Μέρος 1: Ιστορικά Παραδείγματα Μαζικών Θηριωδιών

Οι Σφαγές και οι Γενοκτονίες της Ύστερης Οθωμανικής Περιόδου (1821 έως τις αρχές του 1923)

Ο ισχυρισμός ότι η τουρκική ιστορία χαρακτηρίζεται «μόνο από δικαιοσύνη και συμπόνια» καταρρίπτεται πλήρως από τα τελευταία κεφάλαια της Οθωμανικής Αυτοκρατορίας, του προκατόχου της σύγχρονης Τουρκικής Δημοκρατίας. Προκειμένου να καταστείλει κάθε εσωτερική αντίσταση, η αυτοκρατορία επιστράτευε συστηματικά την τακτική του ολοκληρωτικού πολέμου απέναντι στα περιφερειακά κινήματα ανεξαρτησίας, προχωρώντας στην εξόντωση αμάχων και σε στοχευμένες θηριωδίες κατά των αυτόχθονων μειονοτικών πληθυσμών. Η καταγραφή αυτή δεν επικεντρώνεται στα εγκλήματα πολέμου, τις σφαγές, τις δολοφονίες και τις καταστροφές που προκάλεσαν οι Τούρκοι κατά την πολυαιώνη περίοδο των κατακτήσεων και του αποικισμού τους, κατά τη διάρκεια της ανόδου και της επέκτασής τους:

• Η Σφαγή της Κωνσταντινούπολης (μετά από την 25η Μαρτίου 1821): Ως αντίποινα για το ξέσπασμα της Ελληνικής Επανάστασης, η Οθωμανική Αυτοκρατορία εξαπέλυσε αμέσως κρατικά καθοδηγούμενα πογκρόμ, σφαγιάζοντας χιλιάδες αθώους Έλληνες πολίτες, εμπόρους και μέλη της ελίτ στην οθωμανική πρωτεύουσα. Τον Απρίλιο, οι οθωμανικές αρχές εκτέλεσαν τον πνευματικό ηγέτη της Ορθοδοξίας, τον Οικουμενικό Πατριάρχη Γρηγόριο Ε', απαγχονίζοντάς τον στις πύλες του Πατριαρχείου. Οι σφαγές επεκτάθηκαν και σε άλλες περιοχές της αυτοκρατορίας προτού τελικά κατασταλούν.[1]
• Η Σφαγή της Χίου (Μάρτιος 1822): Οθωμανικά στρατεύματα εξόντωσαν συστηματικά, υποδούλωσαν ή εξόρισαν περίπου τα τέσσερα πέμπτα του ελληνικού πληθυσμού της Χίου. Έως και 100.000 Έλληνες σφαγιάστηκαν ή οδηγήθηκαν στα σκλαβοπάζαρα της Βόρειας Αφρικής και της Μέσης Ανατολής, σε μια τραγωδία που σκόρπισε τρόμο στη διεθνή κοινότητα.[2]
• Η Καταστροφή των Ψαρών (20 Ιουνίου 1824): Οι οθωμανικές δυνάμεις ισοπέδωσαν ολοκληρωτικά το επαναστατημένο νησί των Ψαρών. Μέσα σε μόλις δύο ημέρες, υπολογίζεται ότι 18.000 Έλληνες σκοτώθηκαν ή αιχμαλωτίστηκαν ως σκλάβοι, ερημώνοντας ουσιαστικά το νησί και αφήνοντάς το σε πλήρη ερείπια.[3]
• Η Τρίτη Πολιορκία του Μεσολογγίου (15 Απριλίου 1825–1826): Μετά από έναν σκληρό, μονοετή αποκλεισμό από τις ενωμένες οθωμανικές και αιγυπτιακές δυνάμεις, ο επιζών πληθυσμός που υπέφερε από σοβαρό λιμό επιχείρησε την ηρωική Έξοδο. Η πόλη κυριεύτηκε, με αποτέλεσμα την άμεση σφαγή χιλιάδων Ελλήνων αμάχων και την υποδούλωση έως και 4.000 γυναικόπαιδων.[4]
• Τα Γεγονότα της Δαμασκού (9-17 Ιουλίου 1860): Μετά από θρησκευτικές ταραχές στον Λίβανο, βίαιοι όχλοι και πολιτοφυλακές έβαλαν στο στόχαστρο την ιστορική χριστιανική συνοικία της Δαμασκού. Ενώ στα βουνά στοχοποιήθηκαν οι Μαρωνίτες, τα θύματα στη Δαμασκό ήταν κυρίως Έλληνες Ορθόδοξοι. Οι τοπικές οθωμανικές δυνάμεις συνεργάστηκαν ενεργά με τους ταραχοποιούς, οι οποίοι πυρπόλησαν τον ιστορικό Ελληνορθόδοξο Ναό της Παναγίας (Μαριαμίγια) και έσφαξαν συστηματικά μεταξύ 3.000 και 10.000 Χριστιανών, προκαλώντας την άμεση στρατιωτική επέμβαση των Δυτικών Δυνάμεων. Φοβούμενοι τα ευρωπαϊκά αντίποινα, οι Οθωμανοί αναγκάστηκαν εκ των υστέρων να τιμωρήσουν τους ίδιους τους δράστες που προηγουμένως είχαν στηρίξει.[5]
• Σφαγή των Αρμενίων του 1894-1896 (Καλοκαίρι 1894–1896): Προάγγελοι των μεταγενέστερων γενοκτονιών, αυτά τα κρατικά οργανωμένα πογκρόμ υπό τον Σουλτάνο Αμπντούλ Χαμίτ Β' έπληξαν κυρίως τους Οθωμανούς Αρμενίους σε ολόκληρη την Ανατολία. Στο στόχαστρο βρέθηκαν επίσης οι Ασσύριοι, καθώς και οι Έλληνες σε μικρότερο βαθμό. Υπολογίζεται ότι 100.000 έως 300.000 Αρμένιοι και 25.000 Ασσύριοι εξοντώθηκαν, ενώ εκατοντάδες χιλιάδες εκτοπίστηκαν ή εξαναγκάστηκαν σε εξισλαμισμό.[6]
• Οι Σφαγές των Αδάνων (Απρίλιος 1909): Τα αντιαρμενικά πογκρόμ που ενορχηστρώθηκαν μέσα στην πολιτική αστάθεια της Επανάστασης των Νεότουρκων οδήγησαν στη σφαγή περίπου 20.000 έως 30.000 Αρμενίων αμάχων στο βιλαέτι των Αδάνων.[7]
• Οι Σφαγές Άοπλων Ελλήνων στην Ανατολική Θράκη (1912-1913): Κατά την περίοδο των Βαλκανικών Πολέμων, 15.690 άοπλοι Έλληνες σφαγιάστηκαν στην Ανατολική Θράκη από τις οθωμανικές δυνάμεις.[8]
• Η Γενοκτονία των Ελλήνων (6 Απριλίου 1914-1923): Η συστηματική εξόντωση των γηγενών Ελλήνων υπηκόων της Οθωμανικής Αυτοκρατορίας, η οποία είχε ως αποτέλεσμα τη σφαγή περισσότερων από 1 εκατομμύριο Ελλήνων.[9]
• Ο Μεγάλος Λιμός του Όρους του Λιβάνου (περ. Ιανουάριος 1915–1918): Ένας εργαλειοποιημένος επισιτιστικός αποκλεισμός και μια πολιτική επίταξης σοδειών υπό την επίβλεψη του Οθωμανού στρατιωτικού διοικητή Τζεμάλ Πασά, που οδήγησε στον θάνατο από ασιτία 200.000 έως 300.000 Μαρωνιτών και άλλων Χριστιανών. Αξίζει να σημειωθεί: αν και ο Μεγάλος Λιμός χρονολογείται γενικά στο 1915–1918, η πραγματική του έναρξη θεωρείται η 13η Νοεμβρίου 1914 —δύο εβδομάδες μετά την είσοδο της Οθωμανικής Αυτοκρατορίας στον Α' Παγκόσμιο Πόλεμο— όταν πολίτες εισέβαλαν στο δημαρχείο της Βηρυτού για να αναφέρουν έλλειψη σιτηρών. Οι οθωμανικές αρχές αγνόησαν την αναφορά, γνωρίζοντας πλήρως ότι η ίδια η κυβέρνηση είχε μεθοδεύσει την κρίση.[10][11]
• Η Γενοκτονία των Ασσυρίων (περ. αρχές Ιανουαρίου 1915-1923): Η συστηματική εξόντωση των γηγενών Ασσυρίων υπηκόων της Οθωμανικής Αυτοκρατορίας, η οποία είχε ως αποτέλεσμα τη σφαγή από περίπου 300.000 Ασσυρίων (βάσει των εκτιμήσεων της Λωζάνης το 1923) έως 750.000 (βάσει των ευρημάτων του Ασσυριοαμερικανού ερευνητή Peter Pnuel BetBasoo και του Ινστιτούτου Λέμκιν για την Πρόληψη των Γενοκτονιών).[12][13][14]
• Η Γενοκτονία των Αρμενίων (24 Απριλίου 1915-1923): Η συστηματική εξόντωση των γηγενών Αρμενίων υπηκόων της Οθωμανικής Αυτοκρατορίας που οδήγησε στη σφαγή 1,5 εκατομμυρίου Αρμενίων. Πρόκειται για μία από τις πιο σχολαστικά και πλήρως τεκμηριωμένες γενοκτονίες στη σύγχρονη ιστορία.[15]

Κρατική Βία κατά την Πρώιμη Κεμαλική / Δημοκρατική Περίοδο (τέλη 1923 έως 1938)

Η μετάβαση της Οθωμανικής Αυτοκρατορίας σε μια κοσμική δημοκρατία το 1923 δεν έβαλε τέλος στις εσωτερικές μαζικές θηριωδίες. Ο πρώιμος κρατικός μηχανισμός κατέστειλε βίαια τις εθνικές και θρησκευτικές μειονότητες, προκειμένου να επιβάλει μια ενιαία, ομοιογενή εθνική ταυτότητα:

• Η Σφαγή του Ζιλάν (12-13 Ιουλίου 1930): Η σφαγή 5.000 έως 15.000 Κούρδων αμάχων στην κοιλάδα του Ζιλάν κατά τη διάρκεια της στρατιωτικής καταστολής της εξέγερσης του Αραράτ. Ενώ ο βασικός αριθμός των θυμάτων της σφαγής θεωρείται γενικά ότι είναι οι 5.000, η τουρκική εφημερίδα Cumhuriyet (16 Ιουλίου 1930) έκανε λόγο για 15.000 νεκρούς, ενώ ορισμένες κουρδικές πηγές ανεβάζουν τον απολογισμό των θυμάτων μέχρι και τις 47.000.[16]
• Η Σφαγή / Γενοκτονία του Ντερσίμ (1 Μαΐου 1937–1938): Μια μαζική στρατιωτική εκστρατεία με αεροπορικούς βομβαρδισμούς (συμπεριλαμβανομένης της χρήσης χημικών όπλων) και εκτεταμένες εκτελέσεις εναντίον των Αλεβιτών Κούρδων του Ντερσίμ (το οποίο μετονομάστηκε σε Τούντζελι). Η επιχείρηση οδήγησε στον θάνατο έως και 70.000 αμάχων.[17]

Οργανωμένα Πογκρόμ στα Τέλη του 20ού Αιώνα

• ​Σεπτεμβριανά (6-7 Σεπτεμβρίου 1955): Κρατικά ενορχηστρωμένες, οργανωμένες επιθέσεις όχλου με στόχο τους εναπομείναντες Έλληνες, Αρμένιους και Εβραίους πολίτες της Κωνσταντινούπολης, οι οποίες προκάλεσαν μαζικές καταστροφές περιουσιών και πυροδότησαν την τελική μαζική μετανάστευση των Ελλήνων από την Τουρκία. Υπολογίζεται ότι κατά τη διάρκεια του διήμερου πογκρόμ, 37 άνθρωποι έχασαν τη ζωή τους, πάνω από χίλιοι τραυματίστηκαν, ενώ εκατοντάδες γυναίκες και παιδιά έπεσαν θύματα βιασμού. Υπήρξαν εκτενείς αναφορές ότι Έλληνες άνδρες υποβλήθηκαν σε αναγκαστική περιτομή. Οι ζημιές εκτιμήθηκαν γύρω στα 500 εκατομμύρια δολάρια.[18]
• Η Σφαγή του Μαράς (19-26 Δεκεμβρίου 1978): Ένα εβδομαδιαίο μπαράζ δολοφονικών επιθέσεων με στόχο αριστερούς, Κούρδους και την αλεβιτική θρησκευτική μειονότητα στο Καχραμανμαράς της Τουρκίας. Ενορχηστρωμένη κυρίως από τους νεοφασίστες «Γκρίζους Λύκους» και τοπικές ακροδεξιές ομάδες με την υποστήριξη της τουρκικής εθνικής υπηρεσίας πληροφοριών, η βία οδήγησε στον θάνατο 111 ανθρώπων σύμφωνα με τις επίσημες εκτιμήσεις, αν και ανεξάρτητες πηγές ανεβάζουν τον πραγματικό αριθμό των νεκρών στους εκατοντάδες. Οι θηριωδίες περιελάμβαναν την καταστροφή εκατοντάδων σπιτιών και επιχειρήσεων, αναγκάζοντας την τουρκική κυβέρνηση να κηρύξει τελικά στρατιωτικό νόμο για την αποκατάσταση της τάξης.[19]
• Η Σφαγή της Σεβάστειας (2 Ιουλίου 1993): Μια σφαγή που διαπράχθηκε από εξαγριωμένο όχλο ριζοσπαστών ισλαμιστών, οι οποίοι πυρπόλησαν το ξενοδοχείο Madimak στη Σεβάστεια (Σίβας) της Τουρκίας, σκοτώνοντας 35 ανθρώπους. Τα θύματα ήταν κυρίως Αλεβίτες διανοούμενοι, συγγραφείς και καλλιτέχνες που είχαν συγκεντρωθεί για ένα πολιτιστικό φεστιβάλ, συμπεριλαμβανομένου του εξέχοντος μεταφραστή και συγγραφέα Αζίζ Νεσίν, ο οποίος επέζησε από την επίθεση. Ο όχλος εξοργίστηκε από την παρουσία του Νεσίν λόγω της μετάφρασης του αμφιλεγόμενου μυθιστορήματος του Σαλμάν Ρούσντι «Οι Σατανικοί Στίχοι». Το περιστατικό παραμένει ένα βαθιά τραυματικό γεγονός για την αλεβιτική μειονότητα της Τουρκίας, η οποία κατηγορεί τις κρατικές δυνάμεις ασφαλείας ότι απέτυχαν να παρέμβουν κατά τη διάρκεια της πολύωρης πολιορκίας.[20]

​Μέρος 2: Στρέφοντας τα Αρχεία της Τουρκίας Ενάντια στην Άρνηση

Οι σύγχρονοι μελετητές γενοκτονιών έχουν καταφέρει να στρέψουν τα ίδια τα θεσμικά έγγραφα της Τουρκίας ενάντια στην κρατική άρνηση. Αξιοποιώντας τα επίσημα οθωμανικά και τουρκικά κρατικά αρχεία, επαλήθευσαν τις ιστορικές θηριωδίες, παρά τα αλλεπάλληλα κύματα συστηματικών εκκαθαρίσεων των εγγράφων. Τούρκοι ιστορικοί, όπως ο Τανέρ Ακτσάμ, παρέκαμψαν τους αυστηρούς κρατικούς περιορισμούς, επιτυγχάνοντας καθοριστικές αρχειακές ανακαλύψεις στα Οθωμανικά Πρωθυπουργικά Αρχεία (Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi). Κρίσιμο στοιχείο αυτής της έρευνας υπήρξε ο εντοπισμός ενός αποσυνδεδεμένου συστήματος κρυπτογράφησης, το οποίο ήταν κρυμμένο μέσα σε έναν τεράστιο όγκο καθημερινών διοικητικών τηλεγραφημάτων. Διασταυρώνοντας τα δημόσια τετραψήφια κλειδιά κρυπτογράφησης με τις κρυπτογραφημένες καταγραφές των δικών, οι ερευνητές επαλήθευσαν με επιτυχία τη γνησιότητα των ρητών εντολών εξόντωσης που αποστέλλονταν απευθείας από την Κωνσταντινούπολη.[21][22]

Επιπλέον, τα αρχεία αυτά φέρνουν στο φως μια εξαιρετικά οργανωμένη εκστρατεία δημογραφικής μηχανικής, η οποία κατευθυνόταν απευθείας από το Οθωμανικό Υπουργείο Εσωτερικών. Στην περίπτωση των Αρμενίων, τα σχολαστικά αρχεία καταγραφής αποδεικνύουν ότι οι περιφερειακοί κυβερνήτες λάμβαναν αυστηρές εντολές να διασφαλίσουν ότι ο εκτοπισμένος αρμενικός πληθυσμός δεν θα ξεπερνούσε ποτέ το 5% με 10% του τοπικού μουσουλμανικού πληθυσμού σε καμία περιοχή.[23] Αυτή η εμμονική προσήλωση στα πληθυσμιακά ποσοστά επιβεβαιώνει μαθηματικά ένα εσκεμμένο, κεντρικά σχεδιασμένο πλάνο συστηματικής εξάλειψης, καταρρίπτοντας το επιχείρημα περί χαοτικών, ακούσιων συνεπειών λόγω των μετακινήσεων εν μέσω πολέμου.

Η δομική επιμελητεία αυτής της εξάλειψης αποκαλύπτεται περαιτέρω στα κατάστιχα των «εγκαταλελειμμένων περιουσιών» (Emval-i Metruke) που ανακτήθηκαν από τα κρατικά αρχεία.[24] Αυτά τα αρχεία εκκαθάρισης περιουσιακών στοιχείων περιγράφουν την οργανωμένη απαλλοτρίωση, καταγραφή και αναδιανομή των χριστιανικών περιουσιών σε ολόκληρη την αυτοκρατορία. Χαρτογραφώντας ρητά τον τρόπο με τον οποίο ο πλούτος των μειονοτήτων αφαιρέθηκε νομίμως και μεταβιβάστηκε, τα επίσημα αυτά έγγραφα αποδεικνύουν ότι η αρπαγή των περιουσιών σχεδιάστηκε με μοναδικό σκοπό την οικοδόμηση μιας νέας τουρκικής εθνικής οικονομίας.

Το πιο σημαντικό, όμως, είναι ότι τα κρατικά αρχεία δεν καταγράφουν απλώς τους μηχανισμούς της οικονομικής λεηλασίας και της καταστροφής· διασώζουν επίσης μια κρυφή ιστορία εσωτερικής αντίστασης και διοικητικής ενοχής, η οποία γκρεμίζει συθέμελα το μονολιθικό αφήγημα της κρατικής άρνησης. Όπως κατέδειξε ο Τούρκος ερευνητής και ακτιβιστής Ταμέρ Τσιλινγκίρ σε ένα ιστορικό διεθνές συνέδριο για τις γενοκτονίες το 2019 στην Αθήνα, τα απόρρητα πρακτικά της Τουρκικής Εθνοσυνέλευσης των ετών 1922 και 1923 που έφερε στο φως αποτελούν αδιάψευστα στοιχεία για τις εσωτερικές ρωγμές γύρω από την εξόντωση του ελληνικού πληθυσμού.

Αυτά τα απόρρητα πρακτικά αποκαλύπτουν ρητές εκφράσεις θλίψης, ανησυχίας και βαθιάς ενοχής από Τούρκους πολιτικούς της εποχής, σχετικά με τη φρικιαστική βαναυσότητα των σφαγών που διαπράττονταν υπό την εποπτεία τους. Το μεγαλύτερο πλήγμα, ωστόσο, για το επίσημο κρατικό αφήγημα είναι η επιβεβαίωση, μέσα από τα κρατικά αρχεία, επίσημων στρατιωτικών εντολών εκτέλεσης που στόχευαν ντόπιους Τούρκους Μουσουλμάνους. Ο Τσιλινγκίρ τόνισε ότι τα έγγραφα αυτά παρέχουν εμπειρική, αναμφισβήτητη απόδειξη ότι υπήρχαν Τούρκοι πολίτες που απέρριπταν τις γενοκτονικές εκστρατείες της κυβέρνησης. Αντίθετα, μερικοί απλοί Μουσουλμάνοι ρίσκαραν καθημερινά τη ζωή τους για να στεγάσουν και να βοηθήσουν κρυφά Έλληνες Ορθόδοξους Χριστιανούς που κρύβονταν από τις κρατικές δυνάμεις στα βουνά.[25]

​Μέρος 3: Καταρρίπτοντας τον Ισχυρισμό περί «Μη Αποικιοκρατίας»: Σύγχρονοι Εποικισμοί και Κατοχές

Ο ισχυρισμός του Ερντογάν ότι η ιστορία της Τουρκίας δεν εμπεριέχει «καμία αποικιοκρατία» έρχεται σε πλήρη αντίθεση με το γεγονός ότι τόσο η Σελτζουκική όσο και η Οθωμανική Αυτοκρατορία θεμελιώθηκαν πάνω σε συστήματα εδαφικής κατάκτησης, υποδούλωσης και μακροχρόνιας αποικιακής διοίκησης. Επιπλέον, η σύγχρονη Τουρκική Δημοκρατία συνεχίζει να ενορχηστρώνει πολιτικές στρατιωτικής κατοχής, υφαρπαγής πόρων, δημογραφικής μηχανικής και κρατικά κατευθυνόμενων σχεδίων εποικισμού πέρα από τα σύνορά της:

Παράνομη Κατοχή και Αποικισμός στη Βόρεια Κύπρο (1974–Σήμερα)

Μετά τη στρατιωτική εισβολή της στην Κύπρο το 1974, η Άγκυρα επέβαλε μια de facto διχοτόμηση του νησιού που έχει πλέον εισέλθει στην έκτη δεκαετία της. Διεθνή νομικά όργανα και ιστορικοί χαρακτηρίζουν τη συνεχιζόμενη παρουσία της Τουρκίας στην Κύπρο ως παράνομη. Η τουρκική κυβέρνηση εφάρμοσε μια επιθετική εκστρατεία δημογραφικής αλλοίωσης, εκδιώκοντας βίαια περίπου 170.000 έως 200.000 γηγενείς Ελληνοκύπριους από τις πατρογονικές τους εστίες στον βορρά. Για να ανατρέψει μόνιμα τις ισορροπίες στο έδαφος, η Τουρκία ξεκίνησε μια κρατικά χρηματοδοτούμενη μεταφορά πληθυσμού, εισάγοντας δεκάδες χιλιάδες έποικους από την τουρκική ενδοχώρα, σε κατάφορη παραβίαση των Συμβάσεων της Γενεύης. Αυτή η συστηματική αντικατάσταση του αυτόχθονος πληθυσμού έχει μετατρέψει ουσιαστικά το κατεχόμενο βόρειο τμήμα σε ένα πρότζεκτ αποικισμού.[26]

Το πιο κρίσιμο είναι ότι αυτή η συστηματική δημογραφική αλλοίωση δεν έπληξε μόνο τους εκτοπισμένους Ελληνοκύπριους, αλλά διάβρωσε δομικά και την αυτονομία του κοσμικού πληθυσμού των Τουρκοκυπρίων του νησιού. Όπως υπογράμμισε ο Ευάγγελος Σάββα, Πρέσβης της Κύπρου στις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες, ενώπιον της Επιτροπής Ανθρωπίνων Δικαιωμάτων Tom Lantos στις 30 Ιουνίου 2026, η εισροή εποίκων από την ενδοχώρα υπήρξε τόσο συντριπτική, ώστε σήμερα οι Τουρκοκύπριοι έχουν μετατραπεί σε ξεκάθαρη δημογραφική μειοψηφία στην κατεχόμενη ζώνη, έχοντας επισκιαστεί πλήρως από τους Τούρκους έποικους της Ανατολίας.

Για να διασφαλίσει τον έλεγχο στα κατεχόμενα, η Τουρκία επέβαλε ένα ολοκληρωμένο πρόγραμμα πολιτιστικής και οικονομικής αφομοίωσης, σχεδιασμένο να ενσωματώσει το κατεχόμενο έδαφος στον κρατικό ιστό της ενδοχώρας. Με την εισαγωγή της τουρκικής λίρας, τη δρομολόγηση όλων των ταχυδρομικών και τηλεπικοινωνιακών δικτύων αποκλειστικά μέσω Άγκυρας και τη διατήρηση ασφυκτικής οικονομικής εποπτείας, η Τουρκία έχει ουσιαστικά επιβάλει μια μόνιμη εξάρτηση από την τουρκική ενδοχώρα.[27]

Νεοαποικιοκρατία στη Βόρεια Συρία (2016–Σήμερα)

Κατά τη διάρκεια του συριακού εμφυλίου πολέμου, ο τουρκικός στρατός εξαπέλυσε αλλεπάλληλες επιχειρήσεις για να καταλάβει μια ζώνη ασφαλείας βάθους 30 χιλιομέτρων στη βόρεια Συρία.[28] Πολιτικοί επιστήμονες και παρατηρητές ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων έχουν τεκμηριώσει αυτή την παρέμβαση ως κλασική περίπτωση μετασχηματιστικής στρατιωτικής κατοχής με σαφή νεοαποικιακά χαρακτηριστικά.[29] Κεντρικό στοιχείο αυτής της στρατηγικής είναι μια συστηματική διαδικασία διοικητικής και πολιτιστικής εξάλειψης, κατά την οποία η Τουρκία έθεσε τους τοπικούς συριακούς τομείς υγείας, εκπαίδευσης και δικαιοσύνης απευθείας υπό τον γραφειοκρατικό έλεγχο του κυβερνείου του Χατάι εντός της Τουρκίας. Υπό αυτή την κεντρική εξουσία, τα σχολικά προγράμματα σπουδών άλλαξαν αναγκαστικά στα τουρκικά, η τουρκική λίρα εισήχθη ως το κύριο νόμισμα, ενώ οι ιθαγενείς κουρδικές ονομασίες δρόμων και οι πολιτιστικές γιορτές απαγορεύτηκαν αυστηρά.

Στρατιωτική Επέμβαση και Πόλεμος των Drones στο Αρτσάχ (Ναγκόρνο-Καραμπάχ) (2020-2023)

Οι σύγχρονες περιφερειακές φιλοδοξίες της Τουρκίας έχουν αναδιαμορφώσει σε μεγάλο βαθμό τον χάρτη του Νοτίου Καυκάσου, επιστρατεύοντας σύγχρονη στρατιωτική ισχύ για την άμεση αλλοίωση των τοπικών δημογραφικών δεδομένων. Κατά τη διάρκεια του Δεύτερου Πολέμου του Ναγκόρνο-Καραμπάχ το 2020, η Τουρκία παρείχε καθοριστική, άμεση στρατιωτική, κατασκοπευτική και λογιστική υποστήριξη στο Αζερμπαϊτζάν. Στο πλαίσιο αυτό, ανώτατοι Τούρκοι στρατιωτικοί διηύθυναν τον επιχειρησιακό σχεδιασμό, ενώ προηγμένα drones, συμπεριλαμβανομένης εξελιγμένης καναδικής τεχνολογίας drones[30], αναπτύχθηκαν για να ισοπεδώσουν την αρμενική άμυνα. Η στρατιωτική νίκη του Μπακού που επακολούθησε έσπασε ένα αδιέξοδο τριών δεκαετιών, ανοίγοντας απευθείας τον δρόμο για την πλήρη έξοδο και την εθνοκάθαρση περίπου 120.000 αυτόχθονων Αρμενίων από το Αρτσάχ (Ναγκόρνο-Καραμπάχ) το 2023.

Καιροσκοπικοί Βομβαρδισμοί Κουρδικών Υποδομών σε Συρία και Ιράκ (από τον Οκτώβριο του 2023)

Η μακροχρόνια εκστρατεία του σύγχρονου τουρκικού κράτους εναντίον των κουρδικών πληθυσμών βασίζεται συχνά στην εκμετάλλευση της διεθνούς επικαιρότητας και των παγκόσμιων περισπασμών, προκειμένου να προωθήσει διασυνοριακές επιχειρήσεις χωρίς διεθνείς αντιδράσεις. Τον Οκτώβριο του 2023, ενώ η προσοχή ολόκληρης της διεθνούς κοινότητας ήταν στραμμένη στις άμεσες επιπτώσεις των τρομοκρατικών επιθέσεων της 7ης Οκτωβρίου στο Ισραήλ και την επακόλουθη κρίση στη Γάζα, η Άγκυρα εξαπέλυσε μια σφοδρή, καταστροφική εκστρατεία αεροπορικών επιδρομών και επιθέσεων με drones εναντίον κουρδικών περιοχών στη Συρία και το Ιράκ [31][32]. Αυτός ο στρατηγικός χρονισμός επέτρεψε στην Τουρκία να κλιμακώσει το στρατιωτικό της αποτύπωμα με τις ελάχιστες δυνατές διπλωματικές τριβές από τους Δυτικούς συμμάχους ή τα περιφερειακά όργανα.

Πλήττοντας περιοχές στο βόρειο Ιράκ και τη βορειοανατολική Συρία, οι Τουρκικές Ένοπλες Δυνάμεις στοχοποίησαν και προκάλεσαν σοβαρές ζημιές σε ζωτικές ανθρωπιστικές υποδομές, συμπεριλαμβανομένων σταθμών άντλησης νερού, εργοστασίων παραγωγής ηλεκτρικής ενέργειας, διυλιστηρίων πετρελαίου και εγκαταστάσεων οικιακού αερίου. Η καταστροφή που επακολούθησε παρέλυσε τα βασικά δίκτυα πόρων της περιοχής. Αναδεικνύοντας την απόλυτη κλίμακα της επίθεσης, οργανώσεις ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων ανέφεραν περισσότερες από 1.000 μεμονωμένες αεροπορικές επιδρομές που πραγματοποιήθηκαν στο Ιράκ μέχρι τα μέσα του 2024.[33]

​Μέρος 4: Νομοθετημένη Σιωπή — Το Άρθρο 301 του Τουρκικού Ποινικού Κώδικα

Η επιβολή του ιστορικού αναθεωρητισμού και της άρνησης εντός της Τουρκίας δεν είναι παθητική· είναι νομικά κατοχυρωμένη από τον δικαστικό μηχανισμό του κράτους. Ο κύριος νομικός μοχλός που χρησιμοποιείται για την τιμωρία αντιφρονούντων, δημοσιογράφων και ακαδημαϊκών που επιχειρούν να συζητήσουν αυτές τις ιστορικές θηριωδίες είναι το Άρθρο 301 του Τουρκικού Ποινικού Κώδικα.

Το Άρθρο 301 ποινικοποιεί την πράξη της δημόσιας «εξύβρισης του τουρκικού έθνους, του κράτους της Τουρκικής Δημοκρατίας ή της Μεγάλης Εθνοσυνέλευσης της Τουρκίας». Οποιοσδήποτε καταδικάζεται βάσει αυτού του νόμου αντιμετωπίζει ποινή φυλάκισης από έξι μήνες έως δύο έτη.[34] Ο νόμος έχει επιστρατευτεί επιθετικά για τη στοχοποίηση ατόμων που χρησιμοποιούν δημόσια τη λέξη «γενοκτονία» ή δημοσιεύουν έργα που αναλύουν λεπτομερώς τις σφαγές των μειονοτήτων.

Εξέχοντες διανοούμενοι, συμπεριλαμβανομένου του νομπελίστα συγγραφέα Ορχάν Παμούκ (Orhan Pamuk), διώχθηκαν ποινικά βάσει αυτού του άρθρου επειδή αναφέρθηκαν στις μαζικές δολοφονίες Αρμενίων και Κούρδων.[35] Αντίστοιχα, ο ακτιβιστής ειρήνης Γιάννης Βασίλης Γιαϊλαλί φυλακίστηκε για δύο χρόνια απλώς και μόνο επειδή τίμησε τη μνήμη των θυμάτων της αρμενικής και της ελληνικής γενοκτονίας.[36]

Ο κίνδυνος αυτής της κρατικά κατευθυνόμενης νομικής στοχοποίησης αποκαλύφθηκε σε όλο του το μεγαλείο στην εμβληματική υπόθεση του Χραντ Ντινκ (Hrant Dink), ενός κορυφαίου Τουρκοαρμένιου δημοσιογράφου. Ο Ντινκ διώχθηκε επανειλημμένα και καταδικάστηκε βάσει του Άρθρου 301 για τα κείμενά του σχετικά με τη Γενοκτονία των Αρμενίων.[37] Η δημόσια δικαστική εκστρατεία του κράτους τον εμφάνισε ως προδότη, δημιουργώντας ένα εχθρικό εγχώριο περιβάλλον που τελικά οδήγησε στη δολοφονία του από έναν υπερεθνικιστή το 2007. Αν και ο νόμος τροποποιήθηκε το 2008 ώστε να απαιτείται ρητή άδεια από το Υπουργείο Δικαιοσύνης πριν από την άσκηση δίωξης, παραμένει ένα πανίσχυρο εργαλείο κρατικής λογοκρισίας, επιβάλλοντας αποτελεσματικά μια εγκεκριμένη από το κράτος ιστορία μέσω του καθεστώτος του φόβου.

Μέρος 5: Ο Κίνδυνος της «Ηθικής Ανωτερότητας» και του Επιλεκτικού Ανθρωπισμού του Ερντογάν

Η ομιλία του Προέδρου Ερντογάν επιχείρησε να ορθώσει μια ασπίδα ηθικής ανωτερότητας, αντιπαραβάλλοντας την ανθρωπιστική καταστροφή στη Γάζα με μια εξιδανικευμένη εκδοχή της τουρκικής ιστορίας. Καταδικάζοντας τη συγκλονιστική απώλεια αθώων ζωών στη Γάζα, ο Ερντογάν επεδίωξε να αυτοπαρουσιαστεί ως υπέρμαχος των οικουμενικών ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων. Ωστόσο, η πραγματική ηθική εξουσία δεν μπορεί να συνυπάρξει με την επιλεκτική ιστορική αμνησία. Η εργαλειοποίηση των σημερινών τραγωδιών για την απόκρυψη των περασμένων εγκλημάτων αποτελεί μια κοινή πολιτική τακτική· παρ' όλα αυτά, δημιουργεί μια επικίνδυνη αντίφαση που τελικά αποδυναμώνει τους ίδιους τους διεθνείς νόμους τους οποίους επικαλείται.

Αυτή η αντίφαση ριζώνει σε ένα κραυγαλέο διπλό πρότυπο (double standard) όσον αφορά τις κρατικές παραβιάσεις του διεθνούς δικαίου. Μια κυβέρνηση δεν μπορεί να χρησιμοποιεί νόμιμα το πλαίσιο του διεθνούς δικαίου ως όπλο για να καταδικάσει τις μαζικές θηριωδίες, τον αναγκαστικό εκτοπισμό και την υφαρπαγή πόρων σε ένα γεωγραφικό θέατρο, όταν την ίδια στιγμή επιστρατεύει εγχώριες διατάξεις όπως το Άρθρο 301 για να ποινικοποιήσει οποιαδήποτε αναφορά σε ταυτόσημες, κρατικά ενορχηστρωμένες παραβιάσεις του δικού της παρελθόντος. Η απόρριψη της πλήρως τεκμηριωμένης ιστορίας της γενοκτονίας των Αρμενίων, των Ελλήνων και των Ασσυρίων ως απλή «συκοφαντία», επιστρατεύει την ίδια ακριβώς γλώσσα αναθεωρητισμού που ιστορικά έχει χρησιμοποιηθεί παγκοσμίως για να προστατεύσει τους αυτουργούς μαζικής βίας από τη λογοδοσία. Επιπλέον, ο ισχυρισμός ότι το παρελθόν της Τουρκίας εμπεριέχει «μόνο δικαιοσύνη και συμπόνια» ουσιαστικά διαγράφει το διαγενεακό τραύμα και τα βιώματα των εκατομμυρίων αυτόχθονων μειονοτήτων που ξεριζώθηκαν συστηματικά από την Ανατολική Θράκη, την Μικρά Ασία, τα Αρμενικά υψίπεδα, την Κύπρο και την Ανατολική Μεσόγειο.

Σε τελική ανάλυση, τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα είναι, εξ ορισμού, οικουμενικά και αδιαίρετα. Τα δεινά των αμάχων στη Γάζα πρέπει να καταδικαστούν απερίφραστα και αυτόνομα, αλλά δεν μπορούν να χρησιμοποιηθούν ως ιδεολογικό εργαλείο για την άφεση αμαρτιών οποιουδήποτε κράτους για τα δικά του ιστορικά ή σύγχρονα εγκλήματα. Η γνήσια ηθική ηγεσία στην παγκόσμια σκηνή απαιτεί μια ασυμβίβαστη συνέπεια, απαιτεί δηλαδή από ένα έθνος να επιδείξει στα θύματα που είναι καταγεγραμμένα στο δικό του παρελθόν την ίδια ακριβώς συμπόνια και τη δομική νομική λογοδοσία που ισχυρίζεται ότι προασπίζεται στο εξωτερικό.

Συμπεράσματα

Οι ισοπεδωτικοί ισχυρισμοί περί ιστορικής τελειότητας αποτελούν εργαλεία πολιτικής σκοπιμότητας και όχι ιστορική πραγματικότητα. Η μετάβαση της εξουσίας κατά την ύστερη Οθωμανική Περιόδο και την ανάδυση της Τουρκικής Δημοκρατίας αποτελεί μια αναμφισβήτητα περίπλοκη, βαθιά πληγωμένη κληρονομιά, η οποία απαιτεί διαφάνεια, ανοιχτή πρόσβαση στα αρχεία και το θάρρος να αντιμετωπιστούν τα σκοτεινά κεφάλαια με ειλικρίνεια. Για να επουλωθούν πραγματικά αυτές οι συστημικές πληγές, η Τουρκία θα έπρεπε να εφαρμόσει μια διαδικασία Αλήθειας και Συμφιλίωσης, εμπνευσμένη από το καναδικό μοντέλο. Ένα τέτοιο πλαίσιο θα επέτρεπε στο κράτος να αντιμετωπίσει τις παρελθούσες κρατικά καθοδηγούμενες αδικίες μέσω δημόσιων καταθέσεων, αυστηρής εκπαίδευσης και επίσημης λογοδοσίας, αποδεικνύοντας ότι η πραγματική δικαιοσύνη και η διεθνής αξιοπιστία δεν μπορούν να οικοδομηθούν πάνω στην κρατικά επιβεβλημένη σιωπή. Για την Τουρκία, η επίτευξη αυθεντικής ηθικής ηγεσίας στην παγκόσμια σκηνή απαιτεί την εγκατάλειψη της αμυντικής πολιτικής ρητορικής και την επέκταση της ίδιας συμπόνιας που απαιτεί για τα θύματα στο εξωτερικό, στη μνήμη των θυμάτων που βρίσκονται στο δικό της ιστορικό κατάστιχο.

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[35] Amnesty International. (2006, January 23). Turkey: Court drops case against novelist Orhan Pamuk (EUR 44/001/2006). https://www.amnesty.org/es/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/eur440012006en.pdf

[36] Hellenic Canadian Research Institute. (2026, July 4). Yaylali issues urgent open letter for support ahead of August 3 asylum hearing. https://www.hellenicinstitute.ca/news/yaylali-issues-urgent-open-letter-for-support-ahead-of-august-3-asylum-hearing

[37] Amnesty International. (2007, January 19). Turkey: Turkish-Armenian journalist murdered (EUR 44/001/2007). https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/eur440012007en.pdf

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ΕΚΕΙ

By the Hellenic Canadian Research Institute

When Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan spoke at a political gathering on June 30, 2026, his words were not merely a defense of contemporary foreign policy, but a sweeping attempt to rewrite centuries of geopolitical reality. Addressing international critics in a video shared by Clash Report on X, Erdoğan declared:
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​This absolutist invocation of a spotless past represents a foundational tenet of modern Turkish state-directed historiography. By filtering the multi-ethnic, often violent transitions of the late Ottoman Empire and the early Turkish Republic through a singular lens of absolute benevolence, such rhetoric seeks to completely insulate the state from historical accountability. In this narrative, state actions are universally framed as acts of defensive preservation, justice, or paternal compassion, while the catastrophic losses suffered by minority populations are dismissed as wartime collateral damage or foreign-instigated fabrications.

However, historical truth cannot be legislated by state decrees or obscured by contemporary political posturing. Decades of painstaking, multi-archival research by international and Turkish historians, extensive diplomatic records from wartime observers, and the foundational frameworks of international law present a starkly different, deeply troubling reality. The transition from the multi-faith Ottoman Empire to the homogenous, modern Turkish nation-state was not achieved through peaceful cohabitation, but through the deliberate, state-sanctioned destruction of the empire's diverse cultural mosaic. From the reprisal massacres and scorched-earth campaigns against the Greeks in the 1820s to the industrial-scale genocides of World War I, and extending to modern campaigns of settler colonialism and minority suppression, the historical record reveals a persistent pattern of systemic violence, forced assimilation, and territorial expansion.

To evaluate President Erdoğan’s claim of an untarnished history, one must look beyond political rhetoric and examine the extensive historical record. The following list in Part I is non-exhaustive and barely scratches the surface of Turkey's history.

Part I: The Historical Record of Mass Atrocities

The Late Ottoman Period Massacres and Genocides (1821 to early 1923)

The claim that Turkish history contains "only justice and compassion" is directly contradicted by the final chapters of the modern Turkish Republic's predecessor, the Ottoman Empire. To suppress internal dissent, the empire routinely implemented total warfare against regional independence movements, civilian annihilation, and targeted atrocities against indigenous minority populations. This list does not focus on the war crimes, massacres, murders, and destruction caused by the Turks as they conquered and colonized during their rise and expansion which spanned centuries:

• The Constantinople Massacre (after March 25, 1821): In retaliation for the outbreak of the Greek revolution on March 25, 1821, the Ottoman Empire immediately instituted state-sanctioned pogroms that slaughtered thousands of innocent Greek civilians, merchants, and elites in the Ottoman capital. In April, Ottoman authorities executed the spiritual leader of Orthodox Christianity, Ecumenical Patriarch Gregory V, hanging him from the gates of the Patriarchate. The massacres spread to other areas of the Ottoman Empire but were eventually suppressed.[1]
• The Chios Massacre (March 1822): Ottoman troops systematically killed, enslaved, or exiled approximately four-fifths of the Greek population on the island of Chios. Up to 100,000 Greeks were slaughtered or forced into North African and Middle Eastern slave markets, a tragedy that horrified international observers.[2]
• The Destruction of Psara (June 20, 1824): Ottoman forces completely destroyed the rebel Greek island of Psara. In two days, an estimated 18,000 Greeks were killed or taken as slaves, virtually depopulating the island and leaving it entirely in ruins.[3]
• The Third Siege of Missolonghi (April 15,1825–1826): Following a brutal, year-long starvation blockade by combined Ottoman and Egyptian forces, the surviving population attempted a desperate breakout. The city was overrun, resulting in the immediate slaughter of thousands of Greek civilians and the enslavement of up to 4,000 women and children.[4]
• The Damascus Events (July 9-17, 1860): Following sectarian unrest in Lebanon, violent mobs and militias targeted the historic Christian quarter of Damascus. While Maronites were targeted in the mountains, the victims in Damascus were predominantly Greek Orthodox. Local Ottoman garrison forces actively colluded with the rioters, who torched the historic Greek Orthodox Mariamite Cathedral and systematically slaughtered between 3,000 and 10,000 Christians, forcing a direct military intervention by Western powers. Fearing European retribution, the Ottomans were forced to punish the very perpetrators they had supported.[5]
• The Hamidian Massacres (Summer of 1894–1896): Precursors to the later genocides, these state-sanctioned pogroms under Sultan Abdul Hamid II targeted primarily Ottoman Armenians across Anatolia. Assyrians were also targeted and Greeks to a lesser degree. An estimated 100,000 to 300,000 Armenians and 25,000 Assyrians were killed, and hundreds of thousands displaced or forcibly converted to Islam.[6]
• The Adana Massacre (April 1909): Anti-Armenian pogroms orchestrated amid the political instability of the Young Turk Revolution resulted in the slaughter of an estimated 20,000 to 30,000 Armenian civilians in the province of Adana.[7]
• The Massacres of Unarmed Greeks in Eastern Thrace (1912-1913): During the period of the Balkan Wars, 15,690 unarmed Greeks were massacred in Eastern Thrace by Ottoman forces.[8] 
• The Greek Genocide (April 6, 1914-1923): The systematic extermination of the native Greek subjects of the Ottoman Empire that resulted in the slaughter of over 1 million Greeks.[9]
• The Great Famine of Mount Lebanon (c. January 1915–1918): A weaponized food blockade and crop requisitioning policy overseen by Ottoman military governor Djemal Pasha that starved 200,000 to 300,000 Maronite and other Christians. It should be noted: although the Great Famine is generally dated 1915–1918, its actual start is considered to be November 13, 1914—two weeks after the Ottoman Empire entered WWI—when citizens stormed the Beirut municipality to report a grain shortage. Ottoman authorities disregarded the report, fully aware that the government itself had engineered the crisis.[10][11]
• The Assyrian Genocide (c. early January 1915-1923): The systematic extermination of the native Assyrian subjects of the Ottoman Empire that resulted in the slaughter of an estimated 300,000 Assyrians (based around the 1923 Lausanne estimate) to 750,000 (based on the findings of Assyrian-American researcher Peter Pnuel BetBasoo and the Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention).[12][13][14] 
• The Armenian Genocide (April 24, 1915-1923): The systematic extermination of the native Armenian subjects of the Ottoman Empire that resulted in the slaughter of 1.5 million Armenians. This remains one of the most thoroughly documented genocides in modern history.[15]
  
  

Early Republican-Era State Violence (late 1923 to 1938)

The transition of the Ottoman Empire to a secular republic in 1923 did not halt internal mass atrocities. The early state apparatus heavily suppressed ethnic and religious minorities to enforce a singular, homogenized national identity:

• The Zilan Massacre (July 12-13, 1930): The slaughter of 5,000 to 15,000 Kurdish civilians in the Zilan Valley during the military suppression of the Ararat rebellion. While the baseline figure for the massacre is generally considered to be 5,000, the Turkish newspaper Cumhuriyet (July 16, 1930) reported a figure of 15,000, and some Kurdish sources estimate the death toll up to 47,000.[16]
• The Dersim Massacre / Genocide (May 1, 1937–1938): A massive military campaign using aerial bombardments (including chemical weapons) and widespread executions against the Alevi Kurds of Dersim (renamed Tunceli). It resulted in the deaths of up to 70,000 civilians.[17]
  
  

Late 20th-Century Sectarian Pogroms
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• The Istanbul Pogrom (September 6-7, 1955): State-orchestrated, organized mob attacks targeting Istanbul’s remaining Greek, Armenian, and Jewish citizens, causing massive property destruction and triggering the final mass emigration of Greeks from Turkey. It is estimated that during the two-day pogrom, 37 people were killed, over a thousand were injured, and hundreds of women and children were raped. It was widely reported that Greek men were subjected to forced circumcisions. Damage was estimated at around $US500 million.[18]
• The Maraş Massacre (December 19-26,1978): A week-long killing spree targeting leftists, Kurds, and the Alevi religious minority in Kahramanmaraş, Turkey, between December 19 and 26, 1978. Orchestrated primarily by the neo-fascist Grey Wolves and local right-wing groups with the support of Turkey's national intelligence service, the violence resulted in the deaths of 111 people according to official estimates, though independent sources place the true death toll in the hundreds. The atrocities involved the destruction of hundreds of homes and businesses. The Turkish government eventually declared martial law to restore order.[19]
• The Sivas Massacre (July 2, 1993): A massacre committed by an angry mob of radical Islamists who set fire to the Madimak Hotel in Sivas, Turkey, killing 35 people. The victims were predominantly Alevi intellectuals, writers, and artists who had gathered for a cultural festival, including the prominent translator and author Aziz Nesin, who survived the attack. The crowd was angered by Nesin's presence due to his translation of Salman Rushdie's controversial novel "The Satanic Verses." The incident remains a deeply traumatic event for Turkey's Alevi minority, who accuse the state security forces of failing to intervene during the hours-long siege.[20]

Part II: Turning Turkey's Archives Against Denial

Modern genocide scholars have successfully turned Turkey’s own institutional records against state denial, utilizing official Ottoman and Turkish state archives to verify historical atrocities despite multiple waves of systemic purging. Turkish historians like Taner Akçam bypassed strict state restrictions by making definitive archival breakthroughs within the Ottoman Prime Ministerial Archives (Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi). A critical component of this research involved the discovery of a decoupled cipher system hidden within a massive repository of everyday administrative telegrams. By cross-referencing public four-digit numbering cipher keys with encrypted trial records, scholars successfully verified the authenticity of absolute killing orders dispatched directly from Istanbul.[21][22]

Furthermore, these archives expose a highly organized campaign of demographic engineering run directly by the Ottoman Interior Ministry. In the case of the Armenians, meticulous archival logs prove that regional governors received strict commands to ensure that relocated Armenian populations never exceeded 5% to 10% of the local Muslim population in any given area.[23] This strict preoccupation with population percentages mathematically confirms a deliberate, top-down blueprint for systemic erasure rather than the chaotic, unintended consequences of wartime relocation.

The structural logistics of this erasure are further laid bare in abandoned property (Emval-i Metruke) ledger books recovered from the state archives.[24] These property liquidation records outline the organized expropriation, tracking, and reallocation of Christian assets across the empire. By explicitly mapping out how minority wealth was legally stripped and transferred, these official documents prove that the theft of property was directly engineered to build a new Turkish national economy.

Crucially, the state's archives do more than just record the mechanisms of economic theft and destruction; they also preserve a hidden history of internal resistance and administrative guilt that directly shatters the state’s monolithic denial narrative. As demonstrated by Turkish researcher and activist Tamer Çilingir at a landmark 2019 international genocide conference in Athens, Greece, secret minutes of the Turkish National Assembly from 1922 and 1923 that he brought to light serve as damning evidence of the internal fractures surrounding the destruction of the Greek population.

These secret minutes highlight explicit expressions of sorrow, alarm, and profound guilt voiced by contemporary Turkish politicians regarding the horrific brutality of the massacres being committed under their watch. Most damaging to the state-sanctioned narrative, however, is the verification within the state archives of official military execution orders targeting local Turkish Muslims. Çilingir stated that these documents provide empirical, undeniable proof that some Turkish citizens frequently rejected the government's genocidal campaigns. Instead, ordinary Muslims actively risked their lives to secretly shelter, feed, and aid Greek Orthodox Christians hiding from state forces in the mountains.[25]

​Part III: Refuting the "No Colonialism" Claim: Modern Settlement and Occupations

Erdoğan’s claim that Turkey’s history contains “no colonialism” is flatly contradicted by the fact that both the Seljuk and Ottoman Empires were founded on systems of territorial conquest, subjugation, and long‑term colonial administration. Furthermore the modern Turkish Republic continues to orchestrate ongoing policies of military occupation, resource expropriation, demographic engineering, and state‑directed settlement projects beyond its borders:

Illegal Occupation and Settler Colonialism in Northern Cyprus (1974–Present)

Following its military invasion of Cyprus in 1974, Ankara established a de facto partition of the island that has now entered its sixth decade. International legal bodies and historians categorize Turkey's ongoing presence in Cyprus as being illegal. The Turkish government implemented an aggressive campaign of demographic engineering, forcing approximately 170,000 to 200,000 indigenous Greek Cypriots from their ancestral homes in the north. To permanently alter the territory, Turkey initiated a state-sponsored population transfer, importing tens of thousands of mainland Turkish settlers in violation of the Geneva Conventions. This systematic replacement of the indigenous population has effectively transformed the northern territory into a project of settler colonialism.[26]

Crucially, this systematic demographic engineering has devastated not only the displaced Greek Cypriots but has structurally eroded the autonomy of the island's secular Turkish Cypriot population as well. As highlighted by Evangelos Savva, the Ambassador of Cyprus to the United States, before the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission on June 30, 2026, the influx of mainland settlers has been so overwhelming that today, Turkish Cypriots have been rendered a clear demographic minority in the occupation zone, completely eclipsed by Anatolian Turkish settlers.

To cement this control, Turkey enforced a comprehensive program of cultural and economic assimilation designed to integrate the occupied territory into the state fabric of the mainland. By introducing the Turkish Lira, routing all postal and communication networks exclusively through Ankara, and maintaining heavy financial oversight, Turkey has effectively forced a permanent dependency on the Turkish mainland.[27]

Neo-Colonialism in Northern Syria (2016–Present)

During the Syrian civil war, the Turkish military launched successive operations to occupy a 30-kilometre-deep buffer zone in northern Syria.[28] Political scientists and human rights monitors have documented this intervention as a textbook case of transformative military occupation with distinct neo-colonial patterns.[29] Central to this strategy is a systematic process of administrative and cultural erasure, wherein Turkey brought local Syrian health, education, and judicial sectors directly under the bureaucratic control of the Hatay governorate inside Turkey. Under this centralized authority, school curricula were forcefully changed to Turkish, the Turkish Lira was introduced as the primary currency, and indigenous Kurdish street names and cultural holidays were strictly banned.

Military Intervention and Drone Warfare in Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh) (2020-2023)

Turkey's contemporary regional ambitions have heavily shaped the map of the South Caucasus, utilizing modern military force to directly alter local demographics. During the 2020 Second Nagorno-Karabakh War, Turkey provided decisive, direct military, intelligence, and logistical support to Azerbaijan. Under this framework, Turkish senior military personnel directed operational planning while advanced drones, including sophisticated Canadian drone technology[30], were deployed to obliterate Armenian defenses. The resulting military victory by Baku successfully broke a three decade stalemate, directly paving the way for the total exodus and ethnic cleansing of around 120,000 indigenous Armenians from Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh) in 2023.

Opportunistic Bombing of Kurdish Infrastructure in Syria and Iraq (as of October 2023)

The modern Turkish state's long-standing campaign against Kurdish populations has frequently relied on capitalizing on global distractions to advance cross-border operations without international pushback. In October 2023, while the entire international community's attention was gripped by the immediate fallout of the October 7 terror attacks in Israel and the resulting crisis in Gaza, Ankara launched an intense, devastating campaign of air and drone strikes against Kurdish regions in Syria and Iraq.[31][32] This strategic timing allowed Turkey to escalate its military footprint with minimal diplomatic friction from Western allies or regional bodies.

Striking across northern Iraq and northeast Syria, the Turkish Armed Forces targeted and severely damaged vital humanitarian infrastructure, including water pumping stations, electricity plants, oil refineries, and domestic gas facilities. The resulting destruction crippled the region's essential resource networks. Highlighting the sheer scale of the offensive, human rights organizations reported over 1,000 individual airstrikes carried out in Iraq by mid-2024.[33]

Part IV: Legalized Silence — Article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code

The enforceability of historical denialism within Turkey is not passive; it is legally mandated by the state’s judicial apparatus. The primary legal mechanism used to punish dissidents, journalists, and academics who attempt to discuss these historical atrocities is Article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code.

Article 301 criminalizes the act of publicly "insulting the Turkish Nation, the State of the Republic of Turkey, or the Grand National Assembly of Turkey." Anyone convicted under this law faces a prison sentence ranging from six months to two years.[34] The law has been used aggressively to target individuals who publicly use the word "genocide" or publish works detailing the massacres of minorities.

Prominent intellectuals, including Nobel Laureate Orhan Pamuk, were prosecuted under this statute for mentioning the mass killings of Armenians and Kurds.[35] Similarly, peace activist Yannis Vasilis Yaylali was imprisoned for two years for simply commemorating the victims of the Armenian and Greek genocides.[36]

The danger of this state-sponsored legal targeting was fully realized in the landmark case of Hrant Dink, a prominent Turkish-Armenian journalist. Dink was repeatedly prosecuted and convicted under Article 301 for his writings on the Armenian Genocide.[37] The state's public legal campaign painted him as a traitor, creating a hostile domestic environment that ultimately culminated in his assassination by an ultranationalist in 2007. Though the law was amended in 2008 to require explicit permission from the Ministry of Justice before filing a case, it remains a powerful tool of state censorship, effectively enforcing a state-approved history through fear.

Part V: The Danger of Erdogan's Moral Superiority and Selective Moralism

President Erdoğan’s speech attempted to build a shield of moral superiority by contrasting the humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza with an idealized version of Turkish history. In condemning the staggering loss of innocent life in Gaza, Erdoğan sought to position himself as a champion of universal human rights. However, true moral authority cannot exist alongside selective historical amnesia. Using today's tragedies to hide from past wrongdoings is a common political tactic; however, it creates a dangerous contradiction that ultimately weakens the international laws he tries to invoke.

This contradiction is rooted in a glaring double standard regarding state violations of international law. A government cannot legitimately weaponize the framework of international law to condemn mass atrocities, forced displacement, and resource expropriation in one geographic theater while simultaneously using domestic statutes like Article 301 to criminalize any mention of identical, state-orchestrated violations in its own past. Dismissing the heavily documented history of the Armenian, Greek, and Assyrian genocides as mere "slander" utilizes the exact same language of denialism that has historically been deployed globally to shield perpetrators of mass violence from accountability. Furthermore, asserting that Turkey's past contains "only justice and compassion" effectively erases the generational trauma and lived experiences of the millions of indigenous minorities who were systematically uprooted from Eastern Thrace, Anatolia, the Armenian Highlands, Cyprus, and the Levant.

Ultimately, human rights are, by definition, universal and indivisible. The suffering of civilians in Gaza must be condemned unequivocally on its own terms, but it cannot be used as an ideological tool to absolve any state of its own historical or contemporary crimes. Genuine moral leadership on the world stage requires an uncompromising consistency, demanding that a nation extend the same compassion and structural legal accountability it claims to champion abroad to the victims recorded within its own past.

Conclusion

Sweeping claims of historical perfection are the tools of political convenience, not historical reality. The transition of power across the late Ottoman Empire and the Republic of Turkey is an undeniably complex, deeply scarred legacy that requires transparency, open archival access, and the courage to face dark chapters honestly. To truly heal these systemic wounds, Turkey should implement a Truth and Reconciliation process inspired by the Canadian model. Such a framework would allow the state to confront past state-sponsored injustices through public testimony, rigorous education, and official accountability, proving that true justice and international credibility cannot be built on state-enforced silence. For Turkey, achieving genuine moral leadership on the world stage requires abandoning defensive political rhetoric and extending the same compassion it demands for victims abroad to the memory of the victims within its own historical ledger.

Sources:

[1] Mellby, J. (2019, May 7). The hanging of Gregory V in Constantinople. Graphic Arts, Princeton University Library. https://graphicarts.princeton.edu/2019/05/07/the-hanging-of-gregory-v-in-constantinople/

[2] Cartledge, Y. (2024, April 15). The Chios Massacre (1822) and Chiot Emigration [Invited talk]. Festival Hellenika 2024, Adelaide, SA, Australia. https://researchnow.flinders.edu.au/en/activities/the-chios-massacre-1822-and-chiot-emigration-2/

[3] Hellenic Army General Staff. (2024, June 22). The destruction of Psara. https://stelexi.army.gr/en/events/the-destruction-of-psara/

[4] Pavlopoulos, P. (2026, March 24). The heroic exodus of Messolonghi as a timeless source of inspiration for the fulfillment of our national obligations. Hellenic Canadian Research Institute. https://www.hellenicinstitute.ca/news/the-heroic-exodus-of-messolonghi-as-a-timeless-source-of-inspiration-for-the-fulfillment-of-our-national-obligations

[5] Sharkey, H. J. (2025). Damascus, Syria, 1860: Clues and lessons from the scene of a crime. Bustan: The Middle East Book Review, 16(1), 3–15. https://scholarlypublishingcollective.org/psup/bustan/article/16/1/3/401165/Damascus-Syria-1860-Clues-and-Lessons-from-the

[6] Adalian, R. P. (n.d.). Hamidian massacres. Armenian National Institute. armenian-genocide.org

[7] The Armenian Genocide Museum-Institute. (n.d.). Adana massacres 1909: Unknown scenes of the tragedy. genocide-museum.am

[8] Greek Genocide Resource Center. (2020, July 14). Eastern Thrace: The first phase of the Greek genocide. https://www.greek-genocide.net/index.php/overview/documentation/eastern-thrace

[9] Greek Genocide Resource Center. (n.d.). Greek Genocide Resource Center. https://www.greek-genocide.net/

[10] Kafno.org. (n.d.). Kafno never ended. https://kafno.org/

[11] Bulut, U. (2026, May 16). Kafno: The Lebanese Maronite Genocide. SyriacPress. https://syriacpress.com/blog/2026/05/16/kafno-the-lebanese-maronite-genocide/

[12] Seyfo Center. (n.d.). The Assyrian Genocide. Seyfo Center: Assyrian Genocide Research Center. seyfocenter.com

[13] Assyrian International News Agency. (n.d.). 750,000 Assyrians were killed in World War One. aina.org

[14] Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention [@LemkinInstitute]. (2023, June 17). The @LemkinInstitute remembers the estimated 750,000 Assyrians that were murdered during the #Assyrian Genocide, Seyfo, beginning in 1915. [Post]. X. https://x.com/LemkinInstitute/status/1669966982291292160

[15] Adalian, R. P. (n.d.). Encyclopedia entries on the Armenian Genocide. Armenian National Institute. https://www.armenian-genocide.org/genocide.html

[16] Hun, M. Ö. (2025, July 13). The Zilan Massacre: Anatomy of a historical turning point. Hun Academy. https://hunacademy.com/en/zilan-katliami-bir-tarihi-donum-noktasinin-anatomisi-en/

[17] Omar, A. (2025, May 11). The Dersim Massacre. KGNA. https://kgna.krd/15269/

[18] de Zayas, A. (2007). The Istanbul Pogrom of 6–7 September 1955 in the light of international law. Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal, 2(2), Article 4. https://digitalcommons.usf.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1206&context=gsp

[19] Kurdish Institute Brussels. (2014, December 19). A black mark on Turkey; Maraş Massacre. https://www.kurdishinstitute.be/en/a-black-mark-on-turkey-maras-massacre/

[20] United States Commission on International Religious Freedom. (2021, July 2). Sivas Massacre and Turkey's persecution of the Alevi community[Post]. https://www.uscirf.gov/news-room/uscirf-spotlight/sivas-massacre-and-turkeys-persecution-alevi-community

[21] Akçam, T. (2006). Deportation and massacres in the cipher telegrams of the Interior Ministry in the Prime Ministerial Archive (Başbakanlık Arşivi). Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal, 1(3), 305–325. https://digitalcommons.usf.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1232&context=gsp

[22] Agos. (2016, October 11). Akcam: The authenticity of the Naim Efendi memoirs and Talat Pasha telegrams. Armenian Weekly. https://armenianweekly.com/2016/10/11/akcam-memoirs-telegrams/

[23] Carter, C. (2012, September). The crime that dare not speak its name. Origins: Current Events in Historical Perspective. https://origins.osu.edu/review/crime-dare-not-speak-its-name

​[24] The Promise Armenian Institute. (n.d.). The auctioning of stolen Armenian properties: Emval-i Metruke. University of California, Los Angeles. https://www.international.ucla.edu/armenia/stolenarmenianproperties

[25] Livemedia. (2019, December 7). International Conference on the crime of Genocide native language 07/12/19 [Video]. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Djvaf1oq2Vo

[26] Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe. (2002, November 1). Colonisation by Turkish settlers of the occupied part of Cyprus (Doc. 9799). https://assembly.coe.int/nw/xml/XRef/X2H-Xref-ViewHTML.asp?FileID=10153⟨=EN

[27] Hellenic Canadian Research Institute. (2026, June 26). US congressional hearing on Erdoğan's human rights record in Turkish-occupied Cyprus to take place before NATO Summit. https://www.hellenicinstitute.ca/news/us-congressional-hearing-on-erdogans-human-rights-record-in-turkish-occupied-cyprus-to-take-place-before-nato-summit

[28] Al Mayadeen English. (2022, May 20). Syria condemns Turkish statements regarding 'safe zone' in the north. almayadeen.net.

[29] Human Rights Watch. (2024, February 29). Syria: Abuses, impunity in Turkish-occupied territories. https://www.hrw.org/news/2024/02/29/syria-abuses-impunity-turkish-occupied-territories

​[30] CBC News. (2020, October 6). Canada suspends arms export permits to Turkey [Video]. CBC. https://www.cbc.ca/player/play/video/1.5753052

[31] Syrians for Truth and Justice. (2024, June 26). “As if an earthquake had struck”: Turkish airstrikes are killing life in northeast Syria. https://stj-sy.org/en/as-if-an-earthquake-had-struck-turkish-airstrikes-are-killing-life-in-northeast-syria/

[32] Khoshnaw, N., Giles, C., & Smith, S. (2024, November 19). Turkish strikes in Syria cut water to one million people. BBC News. https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c79zj7rz3l4o

[33] Turkish Minute. (2024, June 15). Turkey has conducted nearly 1,000 attacks in Iraqi Kurdistan in 2024: Rights group. https://turkishminute.com/2024/06/15/turkey-has-conducted-nearly-1000-attack-in-iraqi-kurdistan-in-2024-rights-group

​[34] Amnesty International. (2006, March). Turkey: Article 301: How the law on “denigrating Turkishness” is an insult to free expression (EUR 44/003/2006). https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/eur440032006en.pdf

[35] Amnesty International. (2006, January 23). Turkey: Court drops case against novelist Orhan Pamuk (EUR 44/001/2006). https://www.amnesty.org/es/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/eur440012006en.pdf

[36] Hellenic Canadian Research Institute. (2026, July 4). Yaylali issues urgent open letter for support ahead of August 3 asylum hearing. https://www.hellenicinstitute.ca/news/yaylali-issues-urgent-open-letter-for-support-ahead-of-august-3-asylum-hearing

[37] Amnesty International. (2007, January 19). Turkey: Turkish-Armenian journalist murdered (EUR 44/001/2007). https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/eur440012007en.pdf

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HCRI

The summer of 1974 marked a critical geopolitical crisis for the Republic of Cyprus. The illegal Turkish military invasion violated international law, forcibly redrew territorial borders, and fractured the island's long-standing social fabric. This operation was the culmination of a destabilization process initiated by Ankara nearly two decades earlier.

Executed in two distinct, devastating waves, the assault began on July 20, 1974, under the code name 'Attila I.' A second, even more aggressive offensive—'Attila II'—was unleashed on August 14. This double-pronged invasion divided the country entirely, resulting in Turkey seizing nearly 37% of the island's territory.

In a matter of weeks, an entire generation was thrust into the horrors of war. Hundreds of thousands of Greek Cypriot civilians were violently displaced from their ancestral homes. Communities were shattered, systemic atrocities were committed, and a permanent division was carved across the landscape.

While official archives preserve political timelines, treaties, and casualty statistics, they often fail to capture the profound psychological trauma of a nation under siege. For that, we must turn to the raw, unyielding perspective of Doros Partasides. In 1974, Partasides was on the front lines as a cameraman and photographer for the Cyprus Broadcasting Corporation (CyBC). Facing a shocked nation and a blind international community, he stepped into the chaos to document the unfolding reality through thousands of photographs. His mission was not just to report, but to capture the sheer magnitude of human suffering across both waves of the conflict.

Armed with his camera amidst the violence, Partasides acted not merely as a photojournalist, but as a custodian of collective memory. His lens looked past the grand rhetoric of generals and politicians, focusing directly into the eyes of the victims—terrified children, dispossessed families, and grief-stricken mothers clutching photographs of the missing.

The images that follow are more than historical documentation; they are an indictment of aggression, a vital display of historical truth, and a universal testament to human resilience in the face of absolute loss. They remind us that the wounds of 1974 are not confined to the past, but remain a living, open scar on the modern world. Through the lens of Doros Partasides, the gallery below documents the raw human toll of the Turkish invasion.

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HCRI; PRKI.

[Note: The Greek version below was sent to the President of the Hellenic Republic]

His Excellency Konstantinos Tasoulas
President of the Hellenic Republic
Sent via email

Your Excellency,

The Hellenic Canadian Research Institute urges Your Excellency to intervene in the political asylum application of Yannis Vasilis Yaylali.

We view Mr. Yaylali’s case with grave concern. This situation represents a critical test for regional security, human rights enforcement, and the protection of state sovereignty against foreign interference. His severe persecution by Turkish authorities stems entirely from his strategic advocacy for the international recognition of the Greek Genocide, his criticism of the Turkish state, and his public reclamation of his Pontic Greek ancestry.

Mr. Yaylali's second-instance hearing on August 3, 2026, carries significant geopolitical implications for the integrity of Greece's borders and asylum frameworks. The initial rejection of his application relied on unverified claims of potential involvement in war crimes. Crucially, the defense is currently blindfolded by a secret state case file that emerged suddenly and unexpectedly. The contents of this file are being entirely withheld from the defense under restricted security protocols.

The sudden appearance of this secret file bears all the strategic markers of the Turkish intelligence agency's state-sponsored subversion. Ankara routinely weaponizes disinformation, fabricated narratives, and fake accusations to manipulate European judicial systems and neutralize high-profile dissidents. Treating an unexamined, secret file as legitimate evidence creates an alarming security loophole; it allows an adversarial foreign intelligence apparatus to dictate Greek asylum outcomes.

Mr. Yaylali has formally aligned himself with the Hellenic Republic, declaring Greece his ancestral homeland and designating the Turkish state as his sole opponent. Granting him asylum is not merely a humanitarian obligation under the principle of non-refoulement; it is a necessary geopolitical stance against transnational repression.

We respectfully urge that your office intervene in these proceedings. We call upon the Greek government and the Independent Appeals Committee to uphold rigorous standards of due process, reject the use of the content of this secret file, and grant Mr. Yaylali immediate political asylum. Returning Mr. Yaylali to Turkey would place him in immediate, severe danger, exposing him to the risk of torture, arbitrary detention, and a clear threat to his life.
​
With highest regards and respect,

The Hellenic Canadian Research Institute

CC: 
Kyriakos Mitsotakis, Prime Minister of the Hellenic Republic
Thanos Plevris, Minister of Migration and Asylum of the Hellenic Republic



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Το Ελληνοκαναδικό Ερευνητικό Ινστιτούτο απευθύνει έκκληση προς τον Πρόεδρο της Ελληνικής Δημοκρατίας για παρέμβαση στην υπόθεση ασύλου του Γιαϊλαλί

Προς την Αυτού Εξοχότητα Κωνσταντίνο Τασούλα
Πρόεδρος της Ελληνικής Δημοκρατίας
Μέσω ηλεκτρονικού ταχυδρομείου

Εξοχότατε κ. Πρόεδρε,

Το Ελληνοκαναδικό Ερευνητικό Ινστιτούτο σάς καλεί να παρέμβετε στην αίτηση πολιτικού ασύλου του Γιάννη Βασίλη Γιαϊλαλί.

Αντιμετωπίζουμε την υπόθεση του κ. Γιαϊλαλί με βαθιά ανησυχία. Η κατάσταση αυτή αποτελεί κρίσιμη δοκιμασία για την περιφερειακή ασφάλεια, την εφαρμογή των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων και την προστασία της κρατικής κυριαρχίας από ξένες παρεμβάσεις. Η σοβαρή δίωξή του από τις τουρκικές αρχές οφείλεται αποκλειστικά στη στρατηγική του δράση υπέρ της διεθνούς αναγνώρισης της Γενοκτονίας των Ελλήνων, στην κριτική του προς το τουρκικό κράτος, και οι δημόσιες δηλώσεις του για την ποντιακή ελληνική καταγωγή του.

Η δευτεροβάθμια ακροαματική διαδικασία του κ. Γιαϊλαλί στις 3 Αυγούστου 2026 φέρει σημαντικές γεωπολιτικές συνέπειες για την ακεραιότητα των ελληνικών συνόρων και το πλαίσιο ασύλου της χώρας. Η αρχική απόρριψη της αίτησής του βασίστηκε σε ατεκμηρίωτους ισχυρισμούς περί πιθανής εμπλοκής σε εγκλήματα πολέμου. Καίριας σημασίας είναι ότι η υπεράσπιση παραμένει ουσιαστικά «τυφλή» απέναντι σε έναν απόρρητο κρατικό φάκελο, ο οποίος εμφανίστηκε αιφνίδια και απροειδοποίητα. Το περιεχόμενο του φακέλου αυτού αποκρύπτεται πλήρως από την υπεράσπιση υπό αυστηρά πρωτόκολλα ασφαλείας.

Η αιφνίδια εμφάνιση αυτού του απόρρητου φακέλου φέρει όλα τα στρατηγικά χαρακτηριστικά της κρατικά υποκινούμενης υπονόμευσης από την τουρκική υπηρεσία πληροφοριών. Η Άγκυρα χρησιμοποιεί συστηματικά παραπληροφόρηση, κατασκευασμένες αφηγήσεις και ψευδείς κατηγορίες για να χειραγωγήσει ευρωπαϊκά δικαστικά συστήματα και να εξουδετερώσει εξέχοντες αντιφρονούντες. Η αντιμετώπιση ενός ανεξέταστου, απόρρητου φακέλου ως νόμιμου αποδεικτικού υλικού δημιουργεί ένα ανησυχητικό κενό ασφαλείας· επιτρέπει σε μια εχθρική ξένη υπηρεσία πληροφοριών να επηρεάζει ελληνικές αποφάσεις ασύλου.

Ο κ. Γιαϊλαλί έχει ευθέως ταυτίσει τον εαυτό του με την Ελληνική Δημοκρατία, δηλώνοντας την Ελλάδα ως πατρίδα των προγόνων του και χαρακτηρίζοντας το τουρκικό κράτος ως τον μοναδικό του αντίπαλο. Η χορήγηση ασύλου δεν αποτελεί απλώς ανθρωπιστική υποχρέωση βάσει της αρχής της μη επαναπροώθησης· συνιστά αναγκαία γεωπολιτική στάση απέναντι στη διακρατική καταστολή.

Σας καλούμε με τον ύψιστο σεβασμό να παρέμβετε στις εν λόγω διαδικασίες. Απευθύνουμε έκκληση προς την Ελληνική Κυβέρνηση και την Ανεξάρτητη Επιτροπή Προσφυγών να τηρήσουν αυστηρά πρότυπα δίκαιης διαδικασίας, να απορρίψουν τη χρήση του περιεχομένου του απόρρητου φακέλου και να χορηγήσουν άμεσα πολιτικό άσυλο στον κ. Γιαϊλαλί. Η επιστροφή του στην Τουρκία θα τον εκθέσει σε άμεσο και σοβαρό κίνδυνο, συμπεριλαμβανομένου του ενδεχομένου βασανιστηρίων, αυθαίρετης κράτησης και σαφούς απειλής κατά της ζωής του.

Με τον ύψιστο σεβασμό και εκτίμηση,

Ελληνοκαναδικό Ερευνητικό Ινστιτούτο

Κοινοποίηση:
Κυριάκος Μητσοτάκης, Πρωθυπουργός της Ελληνικής Δημοκρατίας
​Θάνος Πλεύρης, Υπουργός Μετανάστευσης και Ασύλου της Ελληνικής Δημοκρατίας

In a historic shift after decades of silence, the European Parliament has formally recognized Cypriot women and girls as victims of war crimes committed during the 1974 Turkish invasion of Cyprus.

The landmark resolution, which specifically addresses conflict-related sexual violence committed by Turkish military forces, passed with an overwhelming majority of 575 votes in favour, 33 against, and 43 abstentions. Drafted by Greek New Democracy MEP Eleonora Meleti following a fact-finding mission by the Parliament’s Committee on Women's Rights and Gender Equality (FEMM), the measure marks the first time an international body of this scale has formally acknowledged these systemic atrocities on the island.

After the vote, Meleti said: "We made a promise that the pain of the women who survived the Turkish invasion of Cyprus and the collective trauma of the Cypriot people would no longer be unheard or invisible. Today, we are delivering on that promise. This resolution recognises the survivors’ suffering and resilience and reaffirms Europe's duty to support them, defend their rights, and ensure these crimes are never forgotten."

Sexual Violence as a Deliberate Weapon of War by Turkish Forces

The resolution explicitly condemns the actions of Turkish forces in 1974, classifying the widespread sexual violence deployed during the invasion not as incidental misconduct, but as a deliberate weapon of war. Historians and support groups estimate that roughly 1,500 Greek Cypriot women and girls fell victim to these violations during the military campaign.

Presenting the report to lawmakers in Strasbourg, Meleti delivered a poignant address detailing testimonies from aging survivors. She emphasized that for these women, the trauma did not conclude when the fighting stopped. Instead, their suffering "continued through stigma, isolation, marginalization, rejection, [and] loneliness" within their own communities.

Demands for Accountability

By adopting the text, the European Parliament has issued a series of binding political demands directed at both the international community and Ankara. The key directives outlined in the resolution include:

• Formal Reparations: Calling on Turkey to provide full financial and moral reparations to survivors and their families.
  
  
• Survivor Support: Demanding the immediate implementation of comprehensive healthcare, psychological rehabilitation, and social integration programs.
  
  
• International Accountability: Pressing for formal accountability under international law, reinforcing that war crimes and sexual violence are not subject to a statute of limitations.
  
  
• Ongoing Occupation: Reaffirming a strict condemnation of Turkey's continuous military presence and occupation of northern Cyprus.
  
  

"Moral Vindication"

The vote has been widely hailed by European and Cypriot officials as a monumental step toward transitional justice. Proponents of the resolution described the outcome as a vital political and moral vindication for a generation of women forced into silence by social stigma and geopolitical stalemate.

While the resolution carries profound symbolic weight, European lawmakers noted it serves as a powerful message for modern conflicts, ensuring that gender-based injustices are woven permanently into historical memory. For the aging survivors of 1974, the vote represents a long-overdue erasure of the silence that shielded their abusers for over half a century.

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HCRI; EU/FEMM

The NATO Summit in Ankara concluded on Wednesday (8 July 2026). Secretary General Mark Rutte said the message from Ankara was clear: NATO delivers. He explained how defence investment was rising, new capabilities are being delivered, defence industrial production is expanding, and that European Allies and Canada are assuming greater responsibility for their security. "We are rebalancing our security for the better, and that is what NATO 3.0 is all about," he said.

The Secretary General highlighted the significant progress already made towards investing 5% of GDP in defence by 2035, with total defence and security spending already measuring around 4% just one year into the 10-year effort. "Our focus has now shifted decisively from setting targets to delivering results," Mr Rutte said. "That means accelerating production, breaking down barriers, boosting​​ resilience, investing in innovation, and working with partners to maximise cooperation."

The Summit underlined the growing importance of working with industry in strengthening NATO's deterrence and defence. At the NATO Summit Defence Industry Forum, governments and industry announced major new commitments, including over EUR 50 billion in new procurement deals. Allies also launched NATO's Drone Edge, a major new initiative that will see USD 40 billion invested in uncrewed systems over the next five years.

Mr Rutte also announced a historic step to enhance NATO’s fuel supply chain, helping ensure Allied forces have the energy supplies they need for warfighting readiness. "We know that this 27-billion-euro investment will modernise our existing fuel storage and distribution infrastructure and support new facilities including pipelines towards the eastern part of the Alliance," he said.

Allies also reaffirmed NATO's unwavering support for Ukraine, pledging to provide at least EUR 70 billion in military equipment, assistance and training for Ukraine this year and again next year. The Secretary General said NATO will continue to ensure Ukraine gets what it needs as Russia continues to wage its brutal war.

The Secretary General highlighted Alliance unity. "Here in Ankara, Allies reaffirmed their ironclad commitment to the collective defence under Article 5, that an attack on one is an attack on all, and we will stand together," said Mr Rutte, "Our unity, solidarity, and collective strength remain the foundation of peace, security, and prosperity."

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NATO

The 36th annual NATO Summit commenced in the Turkish capital on Tuesday under a cloud of deep transatlantic friction, but the alliance moved rapidly to project financial and strategic resolve. Driven by demands from the Trump administration for Europe to shoulder its own defence burden, the first day of meetings was dominated by massive defence industry agreements and a restructuring of long-term aid for Ukraine.

Key Leader Statements and Diplomatic Moves

On the margins of the official defence forum, a series of critical statements and bilateral meetings shaped the opening day's true geopolitical agenda. While the formal panel discussions and keynote addresses delivered the expected public diplomacy, the real strategic maneuvering took place behind closed doors and in spontaneous press briefings. These quiet, off-the-record interactions between world leaders and military officials served as the true barometer for current international tensions.

​UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: Donald Trump Reasserts Greenland Demands and Warns Europe

U.S. President Donald Trump immediately injected tension into the summit by taking aim at defence spending and regional sovereignty. Trump publicly stated that he could pull all U.S. troops out of Europe unless Washington is granted control of Greenland. Behind closed doors, Trump further criticized European allies who previously restricted U.S. forces from utilizing regional military bases, demanding unwavering alliance loyalty.

CANADA: Mark Carney Leverages Historic Spending Target to Launch Free Trade Talks

Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney arrived at the summit in an unprecedentedly strong position, announcing that Canada has officially met its 2% GDP defence spending target and will continue increasing its military budget.

• Bilateral Gains: Shortly after landing, Carney held a high-profile meeting with President Erdoğan to formally launch bilateral free trade negotiations between Canada and Turkey.
• Submarine Procurement: Carney used the summit momentum to highlight Canada's choice of a German-Norwegian consortium (TKMS) as the preferred bidder for the Royal Canadian Navy's new submarine fleet.
• Defence Banking: Carney held direct talks with President Erdoğan to secure Turkish backing for the Canadian-led Defence, Security and Resilience Bank (DSRB), designed to finance the growth of the allied defence industry.

GREECE: Kyriakos Mitsotakis Champions Stronger European Autonomy

Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis pushed a firm message regarding continental self-reliance. Mitsotakis stated, "Greece's position is firm in support of a stronger European defence." He emphasized that Athens remained a steadfast partner that kept its NATO financial obligations even during its internal economic crisis, positioning Greece as a crucial anchor of stability in the Eastern Mediterranean.

TURKEY: Recep Tayyip Erdoğan Portrays Turkey as a Strategic Hub

As the summit host, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan welcomed leaders to a highly fortified Ankara, leveraging the event to promote Turkey’s domestic defence capabilities. In his statements, Erdoğan expressed strong optimism that the summit would serve as a "catalyst for reinforced solidarity" across the alliance. He successfully pivoted this unity into swift economic wins, securing both the trade talks with Canada and praise from President Trump, who hinted at rolling back past defence sanctions.

The "Big Reveal": Next-Generation Air Power

The summit kicked off with the NATO Summit Defence Industry Forum (NSDIF26). At the forum, NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte rolled out a series of multinational defence contracts totaling roughly $50 billion (USD). Designed to prove that European nations are actively implementing the strict defence spending targets, Day One yielded several landmark capabilities agreements:

• Surveillance Fleets: According to official NATO News briefs, the alliance finalized the procurement of Swedish-made Saab radar jets, a portion of which will be manufactured in Canada.
• Joint Missile Production: A key commercial agreement highlighted at the NATO Summit Defence Industry Forum involves a draft deal to jointly produce ATACMS missiles in Europe, marking the first time these specific short-range ballistic missiles will be manufactured outside the United States.
• Anti-Drone Investment: Secretary General Rutte announced that allies will invest more than $40 billion (USD) over the next five years in anti-drone capabilities to address modern tactical threats on the European continent.

An $80 Billion (USD) Commitment to Ukraine

Securing sustainable support for Ukraine was another primary objective of the alliance on Day One. Leaders finalized a formal defence assistance text for the upcoming cycle:

• Funding Pledge: As outlined in the framework ahead of the Ankara Summit, allied nations pledged $80 billion (USD) in military equipment, training, and assistance for Ukraine throughout 2026.
• Canadian Bilateral Aid: Prime Minister Carney met separately with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy on Tuesday to coordinate specific air defence shipments and long-term logistical aid.

The high-stakes event will continue into Wednesday, with leaders scheduled to transition from informal dinners into the official North Atlantic Council working session to finalize the Ankara Summit Communiqué.

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NATO; HCRI

Today, Monday, July 6, 2026, NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte previewed the Ankara Summit, explaining that it will focus on delivery. Allies are expected to demonstrate how they are transforming the commitments made at The Hague last year into stronger armed forces, increased defence production, and more capabilities needed to defend the Alliance.

The Secretary General highlighted the progress made by European Allies and Canada in investing 5% of GDP on defence by 2035.  "Here in Ankara, I expect nations to present clear, concrete and credible plans to reach that 5% goal. And the evidence we see so far is impressive," said Mr Rutte, "Just one year into a 10-year project, we see that European Allies and Canada are already investing around 4% of their GDP in defence and security."

The Secretary General set out how NATO Allies are turning the extra cash into capabilities. "We will announce tens of billions in new contracts that will provide the crucial kit we need to deter and defend", said Mr Rutte in Ankara, "This will help grow our economies, spread innovation and support hundreds of thousands of jobs, on both sides of the Atlantic."

Support for Ukraine will also be an important focus of the Summit of Allied Heads of State and Government. "Allies and NATO partners must continue to ensure Ukraine gets what it needs,” said the Secretary General, “And let me be clear, all Allies need to pull their weight, so that our support to Ukraine continues to flow. Because Ukraine’s security is so closely linked with our own."

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​NATO

Weeks before a critical hearing regarding his asylum status, Yannis Vasilis Yaylali has issued a public appeal seeking solidarity from Greek civil society and human rights organizations. His second-instance hearing to review a previously rejected political asylum application is scheduled for August 3, 2026.

Yaylali, a Turkish citizen who fled to Greece in 2019, maintains that he faces severe political persecution by Turkish authorities. He attributes this threat to his public advocacy for the international recognition of the Greek genocide. He has also spoken publicly about his family's Greek ancestry from Pontus (Turkish: Karadeniz), stating his ancestors were among the many Greeks forced to convert to Islam during the Ottoman era.

His legal counsel, Georgios Tsaousis, stated that the defense will present comprehensive facts before the Independent Appeals Committee. The defense aims to overturn the initial rejection and secure approval for the asylum request.

In an open letter, Yaylali detailed his multi-year legal trajectory for his asylum, noting that he participated in six court sessions between 2021 and 2023. The first-instance authority rejected his initial application, citing potential involvement in war crimes—a finding Yaylali strongly contests and has subsequently appealed.
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Yaylali further alleged that during the appeals process, he was notified of a classified, state case file against him containing identical allegations. He noted that the specific contents of the file remain withheld from him due to its restricted security status.

In his letter, Yaylali rejected what he described as external attempts to frame him as an adversary of the Greek state. Formally declaring Greece the homeland of his ancestors, he emphasized that his sole opponent remains the Turkish state, which he accuses of historical genocide and ongoing systematic persecution—a stance that aligns with international assessments, such as Freedom House’s classification of Turkey as a "not free," authoritarian state.

The applicant also suggested that his legal proceedings have been compromised by the recent geopolitical rapprochement between Athens and Ankara. Yaylali noted that the rejection of his initial asylum request directly coincided with a period of intensive bilateral engagements between the two governments.

Concluding his statement, Yaylali warned that deportation to Turkey would inevitably result in his arrest, imprisonment, and potential death under torture. He urged citizens, community groups, and human rights organizations to lobby the Ministry of Migration, the Prime Minister, and the President of the Hellenic Republic to grant his asylum request.

Yaylali's open letter on Twitter read as follows:

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​HCRI

The Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission has announced that the hearing, 'Human Rights in Turkish-Occupied Cyprus: Erdoğan's Record and Its Implications for the Ankara NATO Summit,' will take place on Tuesday, June 30, 2026, at 10:00 AM (EDT) in Washington, D.C.

Since Recep Tayyip Erdoğan became Prime Minister of Turkey in 2003 and later President in 2014, violations of human rights and the rule of law in the Turkish-controlled northern part of Cyprus have increased significantly. The U.S. Department of State’s annual Country Reports on Human Rights Practices have documented this, including in restrictions on freedom of assembly and expression, and pressure on journalists, critics, and civil society actors.

Leading international human rights organizations and legal experts have also expressed concern that under Erdoğan’s leadership the government of Turkey has stepped up its policy of promoting settlement from mainland Turkey into occupied northern Cyprus. This has significant implications for human rights, rule of law, and international humanitarian law, including Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, and broader United Nations frameworks addressing the Cyprus issue.

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At the same time, longstanding concerns connected to Turkey’s 1974 military invasion of Cyprus and its continuing military presence remain unresolved. These include the fate of missing people, property claims of displaced people and their descendants, restrictions associated with the island’s continuing division, and issues repeatedly raised in U.N. Security Council resolutions and European Court of Human Rights judgments. Developments in and around Varosha (Turkish: Maraş) have been assessed in relation to U.N. Security Council Resolutions 550 (1984) and 789 (1992), which oppose resettlement of the area by anyone other than its inhabitants and envision administration under United Nations auspices. The Country Reports and other observers have also documented ongoing concerns regarding the destruction and abuse of Greek Cypriot cultural and religious heritage, including churches, monasteries, cemeteries, and other sites of historical significance.

The hearing will examine the Government of Turkey’s Cyprus policies under President Erdoğan within broader trends in foreign policy, including the human rights and humanitarian implications relating to nationalism, ongoing closure of Turkey’s border with Armenia and genocide denial, support for Azerbaijan’s aggression against Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia, revisionist claims to large sea areas in the eastern Mediterranean, and its policies toward Europe.

The hearing will be held in person and is open to Members of Congress, congressional staff, the interested public, and the media. The hearing will be livestreamed via the Commission website.

The event will be hosted by Chris Smith and James P. McGovern, both of whom are Members of Congress and Co-Chairs of the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission.

The hearing will be conducted according to the following schedule:

Briefing

Panel I

• His Excellency Evangelos Savva, Ambassador of the Republic of Cyprus in the United States

Hearing Witnesses

​Panel II

• Michael Rubin, Director of Policy Analysis, Middle East Forum
• Savas Tsivicos, Alternate President, International Coordinating Committee Justice for Cyprus; former Supreme President, American Hellenic Educational Progressive Association (AHEPA)
• Sinan Ciddi, Director, Turkey Program, Foundation for Defense of Democracies
  ​*Additional witnesses may be added.

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TLHRC

Cyprus has formally informed the United Nations about the latest violations by Turkey of Cyprus’ airspace, territorial waters and air traffic regulations, recorded between March and May 2026.

​In a letter dated 22 June 2026 and addressed to the UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, the Permanent Representative of Cyprus to the United Nations, Ambassador Maria Michail, said she wished to bring to his attention “the latest violations of Cyprus’ national airspace, of international air traffic regulations in Cyprus’ Flight Information Region (FIR), of the territorial waters of Cyprus and the illegal use of closed ports and airports in Cyprus, by the air and naval forces of Turkey.”

'Ongoing violations'

According to the letter, “a total of 520 air and 23 naval violations were recorded during this period.” Cyprus further noted that “103 out of the 520 air violations were conducted by Turkish military unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), while 196 by Turkish armed military fighter aircraft.”

It is mentioned that, beyond these recorded incidents, “the Turkish occupation forces continue to breach the military status quo on the island on an almost daily basis” and “further strengthen their military infrastructure in the occupied areas.”

Cyprus said these actions “once again manifest Turkey's ongoing violation of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of the Republic of Cyprus,” adding that they are “in contravention of the Charter of the United Nations and international law.”

'Persistent aggressions'

The Permanent Representative of Cyprus also underlined that such actions “highlight the persistent aggressive behaviour of the occupying power” and “severely undermine the sense of security of all Cypriots.”

She added that they “impede the efforts aimed at creating conditions conducive to the resumption of the negotiations for the comprehensive settlement of the Cyprus problem.”

The annexes to the letter provide a detailed monthly account of the recorded incidents. In March 2026, Cyprus reported airborne violations involving Turkish military UAVs, helicopters, fighter aircraft and other military aircraft. The annex refers, among others, to Eight BAYRAKTAR TB-2 Turkish military unmanned aerial vehicles, Four ANKA Turkish military UAVs, Two AKSUNGUR Turkish military UAVs, Seven AS-532 Turkish military helicopters, and Thirty-six F-16 Turkish military fighter aircraft. Each of these, according to the annex, “infringed international air traffic regulations and violated the national airspace of the Republic of Cyprus” by entering “the Nicosia FIR and the national airspace of the Republic of Cyprus without diplomatic permit or contacting Nicosia ACC.”

Timeline

For April 2026, the letter recorded further airborne violations, including Twenty-two BAYRAKTAR TB-2 Turkish military UAVs, Thirteen ANKA Turkish military UAVs, Fifteen AS-532 Turkish military helicopters, and Ninety-four F-16 Turkish military fighter aircraft. The annex again states that they entered the Nicosia FIR and the national airspace of the Republic of Cyprus “without diplomatic permit or contacting Nicosia ACC.”

In May 2026, the annex lists additional incidents involving Twenty-three BAYRAKTAR TB-2 Turkish military UAVs, Twenty-one ANKA Turkish military UAVs, Five AKINCI Turkish military UAVs, Five AKSUNGUR Turkish military UAVs, and Sixty-six F-16 Turkish military fighter aircraft, all described as having “infringed international air traffic regulations and violated the national airspace of the Republic of Cyprus.”

The naval annexes also recorded violations between March and May 2026. In March, Cyprus reported that Turkish vessels including “TUFAN,” “KARATAS,” “OSMAN GAZI,” “ATAK,” “BAYRAKTAR” and “ZIPKIN” “violated the territorial waters of the Republic of Cyprus” and “illegally used the closed port of Famagusta while participating in a naval operation of the occupation forces.”

In April, the reported naval violations involved, among others, the vessels “ZIPKIN,” “KILIÇ,” “KARATAS,” “KDZ EREGLI” and the submarine “GUR.” The annex states that these vessels “violated the territorial waters of the Republic of Cyprus,” with some “illegally” using “the closed port of Famagusta” and others “the closed port of Kyrenia.”

For May, Cyprus reported violations involving “KILIÇ,” “KARATAS,” “KDZ EREGLI” and the submarine “INONU.” According to the annex, these vessels “violated the territorial waters of the Republic of Cyprus” and “illegally used the closed port of Famagusta” or “the closed port of Kyrenia” while participating “in a naval operation of the occupation forces.”

Cyprus reiterated in the letter that it “remains fully committed” to supporting the efforts of the Secretary-General and his Personal Envoy “aimed at resuming negotiations and achieving an enduring, comprehensive and just settlement.”

The letter specifies that such a settlement should be “based on a bizonal, bicommunal federation with political equality,” and “in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the Security Council.”

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​CNA/ΚΥΠΕ

In Turkey, Greek Orthodox priests were removed from the boards of directors of their own Christian foundations…simply because they were priests! In light of the absurdity of the situation, the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR/the Court) unanimously ruled against Turkey on May 26, 2026.

The European Centre for Law and Justice (ECLJ) welcomed the fact that the Court fully took into account the religious dimension of this case, which it adjudicated on the basis of freedom of association in light of freedom of religion (Articles 11 and 9 of the European Convention). It extensively cited and took into account the anti-Christian discrimination perpetrated by the Turkish authorities, which we denounced in written observations that we were permitted to submit. However, the Court could have elaborated further on the substantive protection of the autonomy of religious communities.

Unfounded interference by the Turkish authorities

The applicants, two Greek Orthodox priests, Niko Mavrakis and Corç Kasapoğlu, were elected in 2011 to the boards of directors of Greek Orthodox community foundations in Istanbul. These are highly symbolic foundations: they represent two churches (the Virgin Mary and Aya Konstantin) and the Phanar Greek Boys’ High School, the oldest and most prestigious Greek Orthodox school in Istanbul, established in its current form in 1454.

However, these priests were dismissed by the General Directorate of Foundations, a Turkish public institution under the Ministry of Culture and Tourism, solely on the grounds that they are clergymen. The Directorate attempted to base its decision on the annexes to the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne, which internationally recognized the Republic of Turkey. According to the Directorate, these annexes prohibit clergy from holding positions in administrative and political spheres in the name of secularism. This is ironic discrimination given that imams are permitted to hold such positions.

The legal reality is quite different: the Treaty of Lausanne contains an entire section devoted to the protection of non-Muslim minorities in Turkey (Articles 37 to 45). These provisions primarily concern Greeks, Armenians, and Jews who remained in Turkey following the planned population exchanges between Turkey and Greece. Furthermore, no domestic court has disputed that the priests met all the eligibility requirements set forth in Foundation Law No. 5737 of 2008 and its applicable regulations. The Court therefore noted the complete absence of a clear, accessible, and foreseeable legal basis capable of justifying the interference.

A completely dysfunctional Turkish justice system

Not only did the Turkish government fail to invoke any provision of domestic law that could justify this interference, but it also failed to demonstrate that the Directorate had the authority to strike a duly elected person from the board on the grounds of his status as a cleric. Consequently, the administrative courts in Istanbul initially annulled the removals, but only on the grounds that the Directorate had exceeded its authority.

The Turkish Council of State, however, overturned these rulings, holding that the courts should have declined jurisdiction rather than ruling on the merits of the case. It also clarified that, in the event of an irregularity, the Directorate must bring the matter before the ordinary courts to seek the annulment or reorganization of the election.

When the case was brought in 2023, the Turkish Constitutional Court noted that the legal proceedings—begun in 2012—had dragged on until 2019 only to end with a simple finding of a lack of jurisdiction. The court held that such legal uncertainty for nearly eight years revealed a failure by the lower courts to fulfill their positive obligation to secure the applicants’ freedom of association and that the courts’ inaction had prevented the two priests from performing their duties within the Orthodox foundations. The issue of the priests’ removal was still not addressed; instead, the only issue examined was the absence of a decision on the merits within a reasonable time. The Constitutional Court therefore ordered a reexamination of the case by the lower courts.

The excessive length of the proceedings was such that one of the applicants died in 2025, before the Turkish courts had actually ruled on the merits of the case. The authorities subsequently challenged the right of his heirs to continue the proceedings, further prolonging the litigation.

This entire process is just one example of the Turkish government’s strategy of wearing down Christian communities by dragging them into endless legal battles. By failing to resolve the underlying issues, these protracted proceedings paralyze the operation of religious minority foundations and gradually contribute to the dispossession of Christian communities from their heritage.

The ECHR echoes the ECLJ’s analysis of the anti-Christian historical and structural climate in Turkey

The ECHR explicitly emphasizes the importance of religious pluralism and the vital role of religious minority community foundations, which are essential not only for the community’s survival but also for the functioning of a democratic society. In Turkey, these foundations are not merely administrative bodies: they manage churches, schools, hospitals, cemeteries, and a significant portion of Christian historical heritage.

In its report, The Persecution of Christians in Turkey (2026), the ECLJ documented the infringements on the autonomy of Christian communities, the massive expropriations of community foundations, and the administrative restrictions imposed on churches. One of the most significant aspects of the Court’s judgment is that the Court takes up several key points developed within the ECLJ’s written observations, placing the case inside a broader historical and institutional context affecting all Christian communities in Turkey.

Undermining the autonomy of these foundations equates, in practice, to directly undermining the organization, continuity, and even the very existence of the Christian communities concerned. Since the applicants are priests of the Greek Orthodox community in Turkey, currently numbering only two or three thousand, and since two of the foundations are church organizations, the Court interpreted the interference with their freedom of association in light of their right to freedom of religion.

Beyond legality: the issue of religious autonomy

The judgment rests primarily on a simple yet decisive finding: the disputed interference was not provided for by law. In the absence of a clear, accessible, and foreseeable legal basis, the Court did not need to proceed with an examination of the legitimacy and necessity of the contested measure in a democratic society. The lack of a legal basis alone was sufficient to establish a violation of the Convention.

The scope of the Court’s ruling extends far beyond the case of the two Greek Orthodox priests involved. Any comparable exclusion or restriction targeting members of other religious minority communities—whether Jewish, Armenian, Syriac, or Chaldean—must now meet the same legal requirements. In an environment where Christian minority institutions remain particularly vulnerable in Turkey, this decision serves as a reminder that public authorities may not arbitrarily intervene in the governance of community foundations.

This decision could also be invoked in other cases involving religious freedom in Turkey, particularly those concerning foreign Protestants who have been deported under vague pretexts of national security, being accused only of missionary activities that are entirely legal under Turkish law.

In the absence of a legal basis for the contested decision, the Court did not need to rule on the legitimacy of the clerics’ exclusion under Articles 9 and 11 of the Convention. However, the Court could have strengthened its reasoning by explicitly referring to its established case law on the autonomy of religious communities, particularly in the cases of Hasan and Chaush v. Bulgaria, Sindicatul “Păstorul cel Bun” v. Romania, and Fernández Martínez v. Spain.
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ECLJ; ECHR.

Turkey
​
Although EU enlargement policy is currently regaining momentum, Turkey is missing this window of opportunity due to a lack of democratic reforms, MEPs conclude in the resolution adopted on Wednesday by 381 votes in favour and 107 against, with 171 abstentions.

Despite the Turkish government’s repeated statements reaffirming its commitment to EU membership, key shortcomings affecting the accession process remain unaddressed, the report says. MEPs call on the Turkish government to tackle persistent deficiencies in the areas of the rule of law, human rights, democratic standards, freedom of the press and other fundamental freedoms, as well as to respect good neighbourly relations and international law. The Parliament deplores the fact that Turkey continues to violate the sovereign rights of EU member states, such as Greece and Cyprus. The report also criticises the limited response of other EU institutions and many member states to these developments, urging them to take a stronger stance in defence of democratic standards and the rule of law in Turkey. Although the accession process has been at a standstill since 2018, Turkey remains a country of strategic and geopolitical importance and a NATO ally, says the report.

The rapporteur Sancho Nachez Amor (S&D, Spain) said: “Turkey continues to move rapidly towards a fully authoritarian model. The recent case targeting the main opposition party, CHP, and its legitimate leadership is the latest example of a broader erosion of democratic pluralism and the rule of law, highlighting the role of a judiciary which is weaponized for political purposes. In the face of such a grave situation, we are deeply concerned by the muted response of the Commission, the EEAS and the Member States, which continue to turn a blind eye to the ongoing dismantling of democracy in Turkey. This silence undermines the EU’s image and credibility and further alienates the most pro-European and pro-democratic segments of Turkish society, with consequences that may take years to reverse.”

Georgia

With serious continued democratic backsliding in Georgia, MEPs regret that the ruling Georgian Dream party has not taken any steps to reverse the negative trends. The report highlights that EU and member states’ engagement with the Georgian authorities should be strictly conditional on their taking tangible and verifiable steps to reverse the course of democratic regression, restrictions and fierce Russian-style anti-EU-disinformation. The resolution, adopted on Wednesday by 436 votes in favour and 145 against, with 47 abstentions, expresses full solidarity with the Georgian people, who continue their struggle for a European and democratic Georgia in the face of democratic backsliding. The report maintains, however, Parliament’s previous position regarding non-recognition of the legitimacy of Georgia's parliament and the president appointed by it.

"The Georgian Dream regime continues to dismantle democratic institutions, silence independent media and hold one of the highest numbers of political prisoners in the region, including Sakharov prize laureate Mzia Amaglobeli. This is unacceptable for an EU candidate country. We must now move towards imposing coordinated EU-wide sanctions against those responsible for repression and state capture," said the rapporteur Rasa Juknevičienė (EPP, Lithuania).

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EUROPARL

The European Parliament’s Women’s Rights and Gender Equality Committee took a historic step on Wednesday, June 3, 2026, by adopting a powerful draft resolution to support Cypriot women and girls affected by the 1974 Turkish invasion. The committee voted overwhelmingly in favour of the text, with 28 votes for, 4 against, and 1 abstention. This landmark decision demands international accountability, immediate help for aging survivors, and a seat for women at the peace table.

The approved text strongly criticizes Turkey’s ongoing illegal occupation of northern Cyprus. It highlights the deep, lasting pain inflicted on women and girls, including forced displacement, family separation, and sexual violence used as a tactical weapon of war by the Turkish military. European lawmakers stated clearly that these actions are grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions. To help families heal, the committee is calling for victim-centred care, including trauma counselling and mental health support. They also want intergenerational healing programs to help families deal with long-term trauma. Furthermore, lawmakers are demanding more EU money and support for the Committee on Missing Persons in Cyprus, alongside a new monument in Nicosia to honour the women who survived these horrific crimes.

Lawmakers also urged leaders to restart United Nations peace talks right away. They are calling for all Turkish military forces to leave the island. The committee stated that the only fair solution is a unified, democratic Cyprus where both communities have political equality. Crucially, they insist that Cypriot women must be given a full and equal voice in these peace negotiations.

After the historic vote, rapporteur Eleonora Meleti shared this message:

“Following our committee's mission to Cyprus last year, we promised to listen to survivors and bring their voices to Europe. Today, we are delivering on that promise. Fifty-two years after the invasion, many women still carry the trauma of violence and silence. Our duty is not just to remember, but to act, defend their rights, and make sure these crimes are never forgotten or repeated.”

This resolution follows an emotional fact-finding mission to Nicosia that took place from May 26 to 28, 2025. Now that the committee has passed the draft, the full European Parliament will vote on the official resolution during an upcoming main session.

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HCRI; EU/FEMM

A major geopolitical mismatch is brewing in Canada’s capital, and critics warn it could leave Ottawa completely out of step with its most important ally.

Canada’s initiative to expand defence industrial cooperation with Turkey has collided with a harsh reality in Washington. As Ottawa expands its Defence Industrial Strategy (DIS) to cultivate "mid-power" manufacturing partnerships, a bipartisan legislative push in the United States is actively trying to downgrade relations with Ankara. For Canadian policymakers, this is not some minor policy difference. Ottawa and Washington cannot safely move in opposite directions regarding a state that increasingly puts Western security at risk.
Washington lawmakers have established a clear, multi-pronged position through both a pending bill and a recent congressional hearing evaluating Turkey's democratic backsliding. By proceeding down this path if the U.S. legislation passes, Canada risks creating friction with its most critical security and intelligence partner, potentially jeopardizing bilateral technology sharing and joint defense initiatives.

The strategic rift is driven by the introduction of the Turkey Diplomatic Realignment Act (H.R. 1890). Sponsored by Representatives Brad Schneider (D-IL) and Gus Bilirakis (R-FL), the bill delivers a scathing indictment of the NATO ally. U.S. lawmakers warn that Turkey’s destabilizing maneuvers in the Eastern Mediterranean and Middle East pose significant risks to regional stability. By forcing the U.S. State Department to downgrade Turkey’s diplomatic status, the legislation would send a definitive signal: Ankara’s deepening ties with Russia, its domestic authoritarian trajectory, and its anti-Western policy mean it can no longer be trusted as a reliable security partner.

American lawmakers are also continuing their years-long scrutiny of Turkey’s domestic regression with a new high-profile hearing. On Wednesday, June 3, 2026, the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission convened a critical session: "Can Turkey Find Its Way Back to Freedom? Authoritarian Consolidation vs Defense of Turkish Democracy." This ongoing bipartisan focus proves that Congress remains committed to challenging Ankara’s systemic human rights abuses and erosion of democratic norms.

Willful Blindness in Ottawa and Domestic Opposition
​
Canadian officials appear willfully blind to Turkey's aggressive regional posture and systemic internal human rights abuses. At the recent SAHA Defence Expo 2026 in Turkey, Secretary of State for Defence Procurement Stephen Fuhr advocated for an expansion of defence and industrial ties under a proposed Canada-Turkey Defence Initiative. Fuhr identified several key areas for bilateral cooperation, including the co-development of advanced drones and counter-drone systems.

This policy direction has generated immediate domestic opposition. A coalition of Greek-Canadian organizations, advocacy organizations, human rights activists, and concerned citizens formally demanded an immediate suspension of joint defence manufacturing initiatives. Opponents highlighted to Fuhr Turkey’s domestic human rights record, aggressive foreign policy, and previous violations of international export controls. When questioned regarding the political viability of reviving these ties, particularly in light of Canada's previous arms embargoes against Ankara, Fuhr minimized historical friction and noted that Canada remains focused on future strategic partnerships. Furthermore, defence correspondent Cem Devrim Yaylali for Defense News reported that Fuhr indicated past friction had not been raised during diplomatic talks.

The Hellenic Canadian Research Institute explicitly warned Fuhr that this new strategy repeats past failures, pointing to how Canadian military technology was previously diverted by Turkey to Azerbaijan and used in the ethnic cleansing of the Armenian population during the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh) war.

Reconsidering the Canada-Turkey Defence Initiative

Against this backdrop, Canada’s proposed defence initiative with Turkey appears increasingly unsustainable. The federal government must recognize a fundamental incompatibility: Ottawa cannot realistically co-develop military weapons with a state that American lawmakers are actively moving to diplomatically downgrade. Failing to align Canadian ambitions with Washington’s strategic reality, while dismissing the clear domestic warnings brought directly to Secretary Fuhr, leaves Canada in an untenable position.

Forging ahead with this initiative risks a severe breach of Canada's values-based foreign policy. By locking its defence industry into an unstable partnership with Turkey, Ottawa leaves itself profoundly exposed to complicity in external conflicts. Ultimately, proceeding down this path ensures that Canadian-manufactured weapons and components will once again be deployed in regional wars and tied to human rights violations abroad.

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HCRI; GACAN; USCNG; TLHRC; 

​Please read very carefully and take action. See instructions below

The Hellenic Canadian Research Institute issued a statement yesterday and also wrote a formal letter to MP Fuhr regarding Canada’s proposed expansion of defense and industrial cooperation with Turkey, specifically in advanced technologies, ammunition, and drone systems.

Given Turkey's aggressive foreign policy and past instances concerning the diversion of Canadian technology to regional conflicts, we believe this initiative risks compromising stability in the Southeastern Mediterranean. 

We are calling on our network to engage in constructive advocacy to ensure Canada’s defense partnerships align with regional security and global stability. 

Please take two minutes today to forward the message below to the Honourable Stephen Fuhr, Secretary of State for Defence Procurement, to ask him to halt this initiative. 

Together, we can encourage a foreign policy that upholds Canada's commitment to human rights and international balance.

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STEP 1) - INSTRUCTIONS:
​
Please carefully follow the below instructions. There is no need to add anything further. Let's keep it short and to the point.

1. Email to: 
   [email protected]
   
   
2. Email Subject Line:
   Regarding the Canada-Turkey Defence Development Initiative
   
   
3. Email Body:
   Copy the text provided below
   
   
4. Your Name and Details:
   Don't forget your name at the very bottom, along with city and province
   
   
5. Optional:
   Cc your local MP if you want 
   
   
6. Email Safety (READ CAREFULLY):
   If you intend on spreading the word via email to multiple addresses, it is safer and always advisable to send email messages via the "BCC" recipient type, as this hides email addresses from those with ill intention. Safety first.  

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​
STEP 2) - COPY & SEND BELOW MESSAGE VIA EMAIL:


​The Honourable Stephen Fuhr, MP
Secretary of State (Defence Procurement)
House of Commons
Ottawa, ON K1A 0A6 

Dear Secretary of State Fuhr, 

I am writing to express my strong opposition to the Canada-Turkey Defence Development Initiative that you announced during your recent visit to the SAHA Expo 2026 in Turkey. 

Expanding strategic and industrial defence ties with Turkey is a dangerous misstep. Partnering on drones, counter-drone systems, ammunition, and autonomous technologies directly threatens regional stability. Turkey has already proven it cannot be trusted with Canadian technology, having previously violated export controls by diverting drone components to conflicts in Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh), Syria, and Libya.

Ankara’s broader foreign policy further disqualifies it as a dependable ally. Turkey continues its illegal occupation of Cyprus, maintains maritime aggression against Greece, and conducts airstrikes in Kurdish territories over the borders in Iraq and Syria. Coupled with its purchase of Russian S-400 missiles and severe domestic human rights abuses, Turkey represents a high-risk partner. 

Canada must prioritize global security and human rights over defense contracts. I urge you to immediately halt this initiative. 

Thank you for your attention to this critical issue. 

Sincerely,
<< ADD YOUR NAME >>
<< ADD CITY, PROVINCE >>

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The Hellenic Canadian Research Institute is concerned with the recent statements by Canada’s Secretary of State for Defence Procurement, MP Stephen Fuhr. Following his visit to the SAHA Expo 2026 in Turkey, MP Fuhr indicated Canada’s intention to rapidly expand bilateral defence and industrial cooperation, specifically in the areas of drones, counter-drone systems, ammunition production, and autonomous technologies.

​The Hellenic Canadian Research Institute strongly objects to this policy shift, citing Turkey’s persistent expansionist agenda, destabilizing regional activities, and documented history of violating international export controls.

Expanding defence cooperation with an actor that consistently violates international law undermines Canada's commitment to global security and human rights. The Hellenic Canadian Research Institute has issued a formal, private communication to MP Fuhr urging an immediate halt to these plans.

Turkey has a history of unauthorized diversions of Canadian military technology. During the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh) conflict, Turkey illegally transferred Canadian-made military equipment to Azerbaijan. This technology was directly deployed against civilian populations, contributing to the subsequent ethnic cleansing of over 100,000 Armenians from their ancestral homeland.

Similar unauthorized diversions of Canadian technology by the Turkish government have also occurred in conflict zones across Syria and Libya. These systemic violations previously forced the Canadian government to suspend military export permits to Turkey between 2019 and 2021.

The Hellenic Canadian Research Institute warns that renewing and expanding this defence partnership overlooks Turkey’s ongoing aggressive foreign policy and human rights record, which includes:

• Sovereignty Violations: The ongoing illegal military occupation of Cyprus and continued irredentist claims against sovereign Greek territory and maritime boundaries in the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean.
• Support for Extremism: Documented political and logistical support for proscribed terrorist organizations, including Hamas and Hezbollah, as well as various jihadist militant factions in the Middle East.
• Regional Aggression: Continuous military operations and bombardments targeting Kurdish regions in northern Iraq and northern Syria.
• Geopolitical Inconsistency: Attempting to balance relations between Russia and the West during the ongoing war in Ukraine, complicating NATO solidarity.
• Domestic Repression: Widespread human rights abuses, including the systemic imprisonment of political opposition voices, journalists, and dissidents, and the systemic domestic repression of Kurdish citizens.

Given Turkey's ongoing belligerence in the Southeastern Mediterranean and broader region, the Hellenic Canadian Research Institute calls upon the Government of Canada to immediately halt all plans to expand defence and industrial ties with Turkey. The Hellenic Canadian Research Institute further demands rigorous, transparent oversight on all existing export permits to ensure Canadian technology is not utilized to facilitate regional aggression.

Hellenic Canadian Research Institute

Each year the European Commission adopts its "Enlargement Package" - a set of documents explaining its policy on EU enlargement. The core of this package is a Communication on enlargement, which takes stock of the developments over the last year. It examines the progress made by the candidate countries and potential candidates, the challenges encountered and reforms to be addressed and sets out proposals for the way forward. In addition to the main Communication, the package contains the Reports in which the Commission services present their detailed annual assessment of the state of play of the reform progress in each candidate country and potential candidate over the last year. These assessments are accompanied by recommendations and guidance on the reform priorities.

On November 4, 2025, the Commission adopted its 2025 Enlargement Package for ten aspiring EU candidates, among them Albania, North Macedonia and Turkey. This year's package reaffirms that the momentum for enlargement stands high on the priority agenda of the EU. It also confirms that the accession of new Member States is increasingly within reach.

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ALBANIA | Albania Report 2025

The report recognised the important steps that Albania has taken towards strengthening the rule of law and European institutional standards, but notes that serious weaknesses remain, in particular in the areas of justice, corruption and fundamental rights.

Albania has maintained political stability, although the climate between the government and the opposition remains tense. Despite the smooth conduct of the 2024 European elections, the credibility of the electoral processes was called into question due to ambiguities in issues of party financing and equal access to the media. The Commission calls on Albania to fully implement the recommendations of the Venice Commission and the Office of Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR).

Judicial reform continues, with the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court performing well. However, delays in the operation of the special courts against corruption and organized crime are a cause for concern.

Corruption remains widespread, particularly in the public administration and local government. Despite the strengthening of institutions such as the anti-corruption agency (SPAK) and the National Bureau of Investigation (NBI), final judicial decisions in high-profile cases remain limited.

The report noted improvements in the legal framework for human rights protection, but there are concerns about:

• Media freedom, with incidents of political pressure on journalists
• Minority and Roma rights, where exclusion and poverty remain high
• Online surveillance and personal data, where better protection is needed

Albania maintains a moderate level of readiness for integration into the EU internal market. Positive points include:

• Stable economic growth and controlled inflation
• Strengthening foreign investment in energy and infrastructure

However, significant challenges remain:

• High youth unemployment
• Large “black” economy and tax evasion
• Massive labor migration, exacerbating the shortage of skilled personnel.

The country has made progress in combating drug and human trafficking networks, with increased cooperation with Europol and other European agencies. However, criminal groups continue to operate and the seizure of assets from illegal activity remains insufficient.

Albania remains committed to its European path and has made significant steps. However, real progress now depends on the deep implementation of reforms, political consensus and the fight against corruption at all levels.
​​

​NORTH MACEDONIA | North Macedonia Report 2025

According to the report, North Macedonia has not made substantial progress over the last year on its path to accession to the European Union.

Commissioner Marta Kos noted that the country has not made the necessary constitutional changes that is required as part of its accession. At the same time, the European Commission assures that it will continue to support North Macedonia's European perspective.

The report stresses that North Macedonia must strengthen its efforts on the rule of law, ensuring the independence of the judiciary and effectively tackling corruption.

Furthermore, the country is called upon to adopt the necessary constitutional reforms to include citizens of other nationalities, such as Bulgarians, in the Constitution, as foreseen in the Council conclusions of July 2022.

The European Commission places particular emphasis on the implementation of bilateral agreements, such as the Prespa Agreement with Greece and the Treaty of Friendship with Bulgaria, which must be implemented in good faith by all parties.
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​TURKEY | Turkey Report 2025

The European Commission, in its annual report on Turkey's EU accession this year, highlights the country's "serious" and "worrying setbacks" in the area of ​​the rule of law and fundamental rights. These areas are, according to the Commission, "integral to the progress of EU-Turkey relations."

​The report highlighted that, although Turkey remains a candidate country and a key partner for the EU, its accession negotiations have been stalled since 2018. At the same time, it highlighted the EU's strategic interest in a stable and secure environment in the Eastern Mediterranean and in developing a cooperative relationship with Turkey, in a gradual manner.

In economic terms, Turkey remains the EU's fifth largest trading partner for 2024, with bilateral trade reaching a historic high of over €210 billion.

The Commission expressed strong concerns about Turkey's retreat from democratic values, citing arrests of elected officials, political activists, journalists and businesspeople. Special mention was made of the arrest of the mayor of Istanbul, Ekrem Imamoglu, in March 2025, as well as the cancellation of his diploma, which prevents him from being a candidate for the position of President.

Greece-Turkey relations

In regards to Greek-Turkish relations, a positive climate and reconnection at the highest political levels were mentioned. Following the Athens Declaration of December 2023, the two sides held repeated meetings on confidence-building measures. However, the report notes that differences over the continental shelf and exclusive economic zones remain unresolved and burden bilateral relations.

The Commission referred to tensions that arose in 2025, such as Turkey's rejection of the Greek Maritime Spatial Plan and the presentation of the Turkish plan, which oversteps and challenges Greek sovereign territory and rights. It also highlighted the establishment of marine parks by Turkey in areas under Greek jurisdiction, while Ankara opposed the establishment of corresponding parks by the Greek government within Greek waters.

The report noted an increase in Turkish violations of Greek territorial waters and airspace, as well as hostile actions related to the Great Sea Interconnector cable project. It also highlighted concerns about the inclusion of the expansionist "Blue Homeland" doctrine in Turkish school textbooks and the continued validity of the 1995 casus belli declaration.

Cyprus

In the case of Cyprus, Turkey still illegally occupies over a third of the island since its illegal invasion and occupation of July 20, 1974. The report underlined the importance of resuming talks on the Cyprus problem and calls on Turkey to actively contribute to a just and sustainable solution within the framework of the United Nations. It is recalled that Turkey continues not to recognise the Republic of Cyprus and supports a two-state solution, contrary to UN resolutions. Turkey is also called upon to reverse its illegal actions in Varosha.

The report notes that there was no unauthorized drilling in the Eastern Mediterranean during the reporting period, however Turkish military exercises and drone flights continued in Cyprus' zones.

Foreign policy and migration

Turkey, according to the report, is not aligned with the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy, which contradicts its strategic goal of integration. The country follows a multi-layered foreign policy, playing a negative and often dangerous role in developments in Syria, Ukraine, Gaza and the South Caucasus.

Regarding the war in Ukraine, Turkey maintains a mediatory role, but does not fully align with the EU’s restrictive measures against Russia. At the same time, it is taking measures to prevent the circumvention of sanctions through Turkish territory.

On migration, the 2016 EU-Turkey Statement continues to deliver results, with Turkey hosting 2.7 million refugees. The EU has allocated €12.5 billion to support refugees and host communities, providing assistance in areas such as border management, education, health and social support.

According to the Turkish government, the Turkish-British agreement for the supply of 20 Eurofighter Typhoon fighters to Turkey signals a realignment in the balance of power, highlighting London as a bridge between the West and Ankara, and restoring the Greek-Turkish air balance of power to a symmetrical level by 2030.

Ankara has reached an agreement with the British government to purchase 20 Eurofighter Typhoon fighter jets, worth around £8 billion pounds, with deliveries to begin towards the end of the decade.

The announcement was made in Ankara, as part of Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s visit to the Turkish capital. Britain, it appears, has undertaken to promote the program/sale in collaboration with Germany and Italy, countries participating in the Typhoon consortium.

Germany's change of stance – which had been vetoing the deal for months due to human rights concerns and Turkey's stance on Gaza – unblocked the deal, giving London the "green light" to take on the role of "political intermediary" between NATO and Ankara.

A British government source told the Guardian newspaper that the sale "strengthens the collective security of the Alliance," while in Ankara, Defense Minister Yasar Guler spoke of a "landmark move" in the country's strategy for self-reliant air power.

Greece - Turkey: balance of power

The Eurofighter Typhoon purchase comes at a time of rebalancing of the Greek-Turkish balance of power in the air.

Greece has already received the Rafale F3Rs and moving towards delivery of the F-35As by late 2028, while Turkey is relying on the modernization of its F-16 Block 70 fleet, the development of the domestic stealth fighter KAAN and now the reinforcement of its combat air fleet with the Typhoons.

Although no superiority is emerging for either side, a "parallel upgrade" is emerging: both Air Forces will have multi-level squadrons of western technology by 2030, with comparable Beyond-Visual-Range engagement capabilities (i.e. BVR engagement capabilities) and interoperability with NATO.

The Turkish upgrades, however, also have a political dimension: it is a loud message for autonomy from the US, but also an attempt at avoiding complete dependence on inferior Russian or Chinese technology.

One could say, looking at the developments from a Greek perspective, that Athens wasted billions on purchases that do not provide it with any advantage – and, on the contrary, Turkey invested billions in the "purchase" of autonomy, as will be seen more clearly below.

The British "game"

The agreement with London is not an isolated one. BAE Systems (the UK's largest defense and aerospace group – and one of the top five globally) is already working with Turkish Aerospace Industries (TAI) on the KAAN program, which is the first Turkish-made stealth fighter.

The Typhoon sale cements this relationship and acts as a “reciprocal gesture” for the technical support of the British to the KAAN program, strengthening the UK’s footprint in the Turkish defence industry.

Simply put, London is selling aircraft and buying influence, while simultaneously turning a blind eye to Turkey's domestic human rights record, its ongoing belligerent rhetoric against a NATO member, its ongoing illegal occupation of an EU member state, and the atrocities it has recently been involved in from North Africa to the Caucasus, and throughout the Middle East.

​For Turkey, the alliance with Britain acts as a counterweight to the American decision that removed Turkey from the F-35 program and is also seen in Ankara as a safeguard against European pressures for Turkey to remove the "casus belli" threat (i.e. the "cause of war" threat) against Greece in order to be included in the EU's SAFE* program (* SAFE - Security Action for Europe).

The US-Britain "tug of war"

The Typhoon agreement illuminates a new reality or, more precisely, the study of the relationship between Washington and London, and the pursuit of their common geopolitical goals.

Washington remains cold towards Ankara due to the Russian S-400 missiles it refuses to part with and Erdogan's (very positive) line towards Moscow, while London is investing in being "the bridge" - offering weapons, technology and even the ridiculous political recognition of Turkey by Britain as an "ally" that is fully inline with the interests of NATO, and the west in general.

For its part, Ankara is taking full advantage of the complexities of the US-Britain tug-of-war, repositioning its relationship with NATO not as an equal "ally" interested in the shared security objectives of the organization, but as a rogue member state that gave itself the unilateral right of "multidimensional cooperation."

Turkey's purchase of the Typhoons, in this context, is less a military contract and more a Turkish declaration of geopolitical autonomy, something that should worry Washington.

The Greek reading of the agreement

For Athens, the Turkish-British agreement confirms that Turkey will go to great lengths to not be left without the alternatives, even if it means putting the entire region at risk. The Western market – and especially the European one – remains open to a Turkey that manipulates and skillfully plays the card of its geopolitical size and weight in a region (and era) where rapid changes are taking place.

This means that Greece must see its arms policy not as a numbers race, but as an investment in strategic depth, technological superiority and diplomatic credibility. Above all, perhaps, it will need a very clear, cross-party agreed-upon strategy for the country's foreign policy - something that successive Greek governments have struggled with since the country gained its independence two centuries ago. 

Ultimately, the "balance of power" will not be judged by who has more fighters, but by who integrates their air (and overall) power into a stable framework of alliances, exercises, and political consistency.

Turkey is trying to achieve this through "flexibility" and ensuring relative autonomy. For its part, Greece seems to have lost this margin (of autonomous political choices) and therefore appears to be an overly willing and obedient ally. But is this enough to ensure the country's sovereignty?