​In a move that blends historical memory with modern infrastructure spending, Cypriot President Nikos Christodoulides on Saturday unveiled a new monument in the Lemesos (Limassol) district, using the occasion to reinforce his government's red lines on the island’s long-frozen peace process.

Speaking at the inauguration of the Monument to the EOKA Liberation Struggle Fighters 1955–1959 in the village of Pyrgos, Lemesos, Mr. Christodoulides announced €160,000 in state funding for the local community. The financial package includes €10,000 to cover outstanding construction costs for the monument, with a pledge that the government will absorb any additional overruns, and €150,000 earmarked for the redevelopment of the village’s historic center.

The monument itself represents a decade-long grassroots effort, financed by a local fundraising campaign initiated by Pyrgos residents and authorities in 2012.

The President praised the village's historic mobilization during the anti-colonial campaign against British rule, characterizing the 1955–1959 insurgency as the country’s “purest struggle.” He emphasized that the monument serves an essential educational role, ensuring younger generations understand the fight for independence "so that they may take pride in it." EOKA (the National Organisation of Cypriot Fighters), formed in 1955 under General George Grivas, waged an armed campaign against British administrators with the original aim of achieving “enosis,” or union with Greece.

However, the commemoration comes at a sensitive diplomatic juncture for the divided Mediterranean island. Mr. Christodoulides directly addressed critics who suggest that celebrating EOKA undermines ongoing diplomatic efforts to reunite Cyprus.

“Any lasting solution must rest not on self-negation,” Mr. Christodoulides countered, arguing that a viable peace settlement must ultimately “respect history” rather than dissolve the republic's identity.

​The President also took aim at Ankara, labeling Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s recent calls at the United Nations General Assembly for a formal two-state solution as both "extreme and counterproductive." The remarks underscore the deep impasse between the Greek Cypriot leadership, which backs a unified federation, and the current Turkish government stance demanding recognition of a separate sovereign state in the north.

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​HCRI

The President of Cyprus, Nikos Christodoulides, and the Turkish Cypriot leader, Tufan Erhürman, met today on 9 September 2026, hosted by the United Nations Good Offices Mission in Cyprus.

The meeting took place ahead of the leaders’ expected travel to New York, where they are due to hold separate meetings with United Nations officials on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly high-level week.

The United Nations Good Offices Mission in Cyprus supports the work of the Secretary-General and his Personal Envoy in the peace process and facilitates the 13 Technical Committees, helping sustain dialogue, build trust and address issues of importance across the island. It is recalled that during his July 2026 visit to the island, the Secretary-General said he would convene another 5+1 meeting in a broader format “after adequate preparations on confidence building, methodology and substance, taking into account the convergences already achieved” adding that the United Nations would work with the two sides and the guarantors and engagement would continue.

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GOMCY

Following his diplomatic mission to Cyprus, UN Secretary-General António Guterres delivered the following statement during a press conference:

​"Good afternoon to all of you, distinguished members of the media.

I want to begin by expressing my deep appreciation for the warm welcome I have received from all Cypriots during my first visit here.

Cyprus is an island of remarkable history, rich culture, and enduring resilience. It is also a place where the beauty and potential of the present co-exist with the scars of a painful past. During my visit, I have seen both. But, above all, I have witnessed a deep desire among Cypriots to build a more peaceful and shared future.

As Secretary-General, from the earliest days of my mandate, acting in line with the United Nations parameters, I have sought, through my good offices, to assist Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots in their efforts to reach a comprehensive, sustainable solution to the Cyprus issue. The United Nations has consistently worked toward this objective.

We met in Geneva and in Crans Montana in 2017, in Berlin in 2019, in Geneva in 2021, and again in New York and Geneva in 2024 and 2025. In this context, it was my duty to come to Cyprus to express my full solidarity with the people of Cyprus in their quest for a solution. This is the moment when all efforts must be made to rebuild trust. To that end, it is essential to redouble efforts to define and implement confidence-building measures that can make a difference in the daily lives of all Cypriot. I appeal to the two leaders to intensify these efforts. My Personal Envoy, Ms. Maria Angela Holguin, has been working with the parties – building on past UN efforts – and what she has heard directly from Cypriots themselves.

Throughout this visit, I have also had the opportunity to hear from many Cypriots. Their message was clear. They want progress. They want to see their leaders make compromises and to walk that last mile towards a settlement of the Cyprus issue. They want a future in which this island is defined not by division, but by cooperation, opportunity, and peace. That was also the spirit of my frank and contructive discussions with the two leaders, both separately and together. Both Mr. Erhürman and Mr. Christodoulides assured me of their determination to continue to work in earnest with my Personal Envoy.

Based on our discussions on the way forward, I decided that I would convene another 5+1 meeting, after adequate preparations on confidence building, methodology and substance, taking into account the convergences already achieved. We will work in consultation with the two sides and the guarantors, to create the conditions for the meeting’s success.

In relation to the situation on the ground, I would like to emphasize the need to respect the mandated authority of the UN peacekeeping operation in Cyprus – UNFICYP – both in the buffer zone and the UN-delineated ceasefire lines. For more than six decades, UNFICYP has helped maintain calm and stability in a sensitive environment. Its continued effectiveness depends on the cooperation of all sides.

I was impressed by the work of the Committee on Missing Persons and the remarkable bi-communal efforts to respond to the anxiety of the families of all missing persons. I was equally impressed by the work of the bicommunal Technical Committees, that are bridging the gap between the political track and everyday citizens, and finding practical solutions. And I had the opportunity to engage constructively with members of the civil society.

The international community has also an important role to play on the Cyprus issue. In particular, I count on the continued support of the three guarantors – Greece, Turkey, and the United Kingdom.

Finally, I wish to once again recognize the significant contributions of the staff of UNFICYP and my Mission of Good Offices. They are all playing critical roles in advancing peace and stability and the prospects of a peaceful solution. I was pleased to convey my gratitude to them in person during my stay here.

The United Nations cannot impose peace. But let me be very clear: the United Nations remains fully committed to supporting the people of Cyprus in this crucial moment for the island and the wider region.

Thank you"

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​UN; UNCT

The summer of 1974 marked a critical geopolitical crisis for the Republic of Cyprus. The illegal Turkish military invasion violated international law, forcibly redrew territorial borders, and fractured the island's long-standing social fabric. This operation was the culmination of a destabilization process initiated by Ankara nearly two decades earlier.

Executed in two distinct, devastating waves, the assault began on July 20, 1974, under the code name 'Attila I.' A second, even more aggressive offensive—'Attila II'—was unleashed on August 14. This double-pronged invasion divided the country entirely, resulting in Turkey seizing nearly 37% of the island's territory.

In a matter of weeks, an entire generation was thrust into the horrors of war. Hundreds of thousands of Greek Cypriot civilians were violently displaced from their ancestral homes. Communities were shattered, systemic atrocities were committed, and a permanent division was carved across the landscape.

While official archives preserve political timelines, treaties, and casualty statistics, they often fail to capture the profound psychological trauma of a nation under siege. For that, we must turn to the raw, unyielding perspective of Doros Partasides. In 1974, Partasides was on the front lines as a cameraman and photographer for the Cyprus Broadcasting Corporation (CyBC). Facing a shocked nation and a blind international community, he stepped into the chaos to document the unfolding reality through thousands of photographs. His mission was not just to report, but to capture the sheer magnitude of human suffering across both waves of the conflict.

Armed with his camera amidst the violence, Partasides acted not merely as a photojournalist, but as a custodian of collective memory. His lens looked past the grand rhetoric of generals and politicians, focusing directly into the eyes of the victims—terrified children, dispossessed families, and grief-stricken mothers clutching photographs of the missing.

The images that follow are more than historical documentation; they are an indictment of aggression, a vital display of historical truth, and a universal testament to human resilience in the face of absolute loss. They remind us that the wounds of 1974 are not confined to the past, but remain a living, open scar on the modern world. Through the lens of Doros Partasides, the gallery below documents the raw human toll of the Turkish invasion.

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HCRI; PRKI.

In a historic shift after decades of silence, the European Parliament has formally recognized Cypriot women and girls as victims of war crimes committed during the 1974 Turkish invasion of Cyprus.

The landmark resolution, which specifically addresses conflict-related sexual violence committed by Turkish military forces, passed with an overwhelming majority of 575 votes in favour, 33 against, and 43 abstentions. Drafted by Greek New Democracy MEP Eleonora Meleti following a fact-finding mission by the Parliament’s Committee on Women's Rights and Gender Equality (FEMM), the measure marks the first time an international body of this scale has formally acknowledged these systemic atrocities on the island.

After the vote, Meleti said: "We made a promise that the pain of the women who survived the Turkish invasion of Cyprus and the collective trauma of the Cypriot people would no longer be unheard or invisible. Today, we are delivering on that promise. This resolution recognises the survivors’ suffering and resilience and reaffirms Europe's duty to support them, defend their rights, and ensure these crimes are never forgotten."

Sexual Violence as a Deliberate Weapon of War by Turkish Forces

The resolution explicitly condemns the actions of Turkish forces in 1974, classifying the widespread sexual violence deployed during the invasion not as incidental misconduct, but as a deliberate weapon of war. Historians and support groups estimate that roughly 1,500 Greek Cypriot women and girls fell victim to these violations during the military campaign.

Presenting the report to lawmakers in Strasbourg, Meleti delivered a poignant address detailing testimonies from aging survivors. She emphasized that for these women, the trauma did not conclude when the fighting stopped. Instead, their suffering "continued through stigma, isolation, marginalization, rejection, [and] loneliness" within their own communities.

Demands for Accountability

By adopting the text, the European Parliament has issued a series of binding political demands directed at both the international community and Ankara. The key directives outlined in the resolution include:

• Formal Reparations: Calling on Turkey to provide full financial and moral reparations to survivors and their families.
  
  
• Survivor Support: Demanding the immediate implementation of comprehensive healthcare, psychological rehabilitation, and social integration programs.
  
  
• International Accountability: Pressing for formal accountability under international law, reinforcing that war crimes and sexual violence are not subject to a statute of limitations.
  
  
• Ongoing Occupation: Reaffirming a strict condemnation of Turkey's continuous military presence and occupation of northern Cyprus.
  
  

"Moral Vindication"

The vote has been widely hailed by European and Cypriot officials as a monumental step toward transitional justice. Proponents of the resolution described the outcome as a vital political and moral vindication for a generation of women forced into silence by social stigma and geopolitical stalemate.

While the resolution carries profound symbolic weight, European lawmakers noted it serves as a powerful message for modern conflicts, ensuring that gender-based injustices are woven permanently into historical memory. For the aging survivors of 1974, the vote represents a long-overdue erasure of the silence that shielded their abusers for over half a century.

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HCRI; EU/FEMM

The Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission has announced that the hearing, 'Human Rights in Turkish-Occupied Cyprus: Erdoğan's Record and Its Implications for the Ankara NATO Summit,' will take place on Tuesday, June 30, 2026, at 10:00 AM (EDT) in Washington, D.C.

Since Recep Tayyip Erdoğan became Prime Minister of Turkey in 2003 and later President in 2014, violations of human rights and the rule of law in the Turkish-controlled northern part of Cyprus have increased significantly. The U.S. Department of State’s annual Country Reports on Human Rights Practices have documented this, including in restrictions on freedom of assembly and expression, and pressure on journalists, critics, and civil society actors.

Leading international human rights organizations and legal experts have also expressed concern that under Erdoğan’s leadership the government of Turkey has stepped up its policy of promoting settlement from mainland Turkey into occupied northern Cyprus. This has significant implications for human rights, rule of law, and international humanitarian law, including Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, and broader United Nations frameworks addressing the Cyprus issue.

​
At the same time, longstanding concerns connected to Turkey’s 1974 military invasion of Cyprus and its continuing military presence remain unresolved. These include the fate of missing people, property claims of displaced people and their descendants, restrictions associated with the island’s continuing division, and issues repeatedly raised in U.N. Security Council resolutions and European Court of Human Rights judgments. Developments in and around Varosha (Turkish: Maraş) have been assessed in relation to U.N. Security Council Resolutions 550 (1984) and 789 (1992), which oppose resettlement of the area by anyone other than its inhabitants and envision administration under United Nations auspices. The Country Reports and other observers have also documented ongoing concerns regarding the destruction and abuse of Greek Cypriot cultural and religious heritage, including churches, monasteries, cemeteries, and other sites of historical significance.

The hearing will examine the Government of Turkey’s Cyprus policies under President Erdoğan within broader trends in foreign policy, including the human rights and humanitarian implications relating to nationalism, ongoing closure of Turkey’s border with Armenia and genocide denial, support for Azerbaijan’s aggression against Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia, revisionist claims to large sea areas in the eastern Mediterranean, and its policies toward Europe.

The hearing will be held in person and is open to Members of Congress, congressional staff, the interested public, and the media. The hearing will be livestreamed via the Commission website.

The event will be hosted by Chris Smith and James P. McGovern, both of whom are Members of Congress and Co-Chairs of the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission.

The hearing will be conducted according to the following schedule:

Briefing

Panel I

• His Excellency Evangelos Savva, Ambassador of the Republic of Cyprus in the United States

Hearing Witnesses

​Panel II

• Michael Rubin, Director of Policy Analysis, Middle East Forum
• Savas Tsivicos, Alternate President, International Coordinating Committee Justice for Cyprus; former Supreme President, American Hellenic Educational Progressive Association (AHEPA)
• Sinan Ciddi, Director, Turkey Program, Foundation for Defense of Democracies
  ​*Additional witnesses may be added.

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TLHRC

Turkey
​
Although EU enlargement policy is currently regaining momentum, Turkey is missing this window of opportunity due to a lack of democratic reforms, MEPs conclude in the resolution adopted on Wednesday by 381 votes in favour and 107 against, with 171 abstentions.

Despite the Turkish government’s repeated statements reaffirming its commitment to EU membership, key shortcomings affecting the accession process remain unaddressed, the report says. MEPs call on the Turkish government to tackle persistent deficiencies in the areas of the rule of law, human rights, democratic standards, freedom of the press and other fundamental freedoms, as well as to respect good neighbourly relations and international law. The Parliament deplores the fact that Turkey continues to violate the sovereign rights of EU member states, such as Greece and Cyprus. The report also criticises the limited response of other EU institutions and many member states to these developments, urging them to take a stronger stance in defence of democratic standards and the rule of law in Turkey. Although the accession process has been at a standstill since 2018, Turkey remains a country of strategic and geopolitical importance and a NATO ally, says the report.

The rapporteur Sancho Nachez Amor (S&D, Spain) said: “Turkey continues to move rapidly towards a fully authoritarian model. The recent case targeting the main opposition party, CHP, and its legitimate leadership is the latest example of a broader erosion of democratic pluralism and the rule of law, highlighting the role of a judiciary which is weaponized for political purposes. In the face of such a grave situation, we are deeply concerned by the muted response of the Commission, the EEAS and the Member States, which continue to turn a blind eye to the ongoing dismantling of democracy in Turkey. This silence undermines the EU’s image and credibility and further alienates the most pro-European and pro-democratic segments of Turkish society, with consequences that may take years to reverse.”

Georgia

With serious continued democratic backsliding in Georgia, MEPs regret that the ruling Georgian Dream party has not taken any steps to reverse the negative trends. The report highlights that EU and member states’ engagement with the Georgian authorities should be strictly conditional on their taking tangible and verifiable steps to reverse the course of democratic regression, restrictions and fierce Russian-style anti-EU-disinformation. The resolution, adopted on Wednesday by 436 votes in favour and 145 against, with 47 abstentions, expresses full solidarity with the Georgian people, who continue their struggle for a European and democratic Georgia in the face of democratic backsliding. The report maintains, however, Parliament’s previous position regarding non-recognition of the legitimacy of Georgia's parliament and the president appointed by it.

"The Georgian Dream regime continues to dismantle democratic institutions, silence independent media and hold one of the highest numbers of political prisoners in the region, including Sakharov prize laureate Mzia Amaglobeli. This is unacceptable for an EU candidate country. We must now move towards imposing coordinated EU-wide sanctions against those responsible for repression and state capture," said the rapporteur Rasa Juknevičienė (EPP, Lithuania).

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EUROPARL

The European Parliament’s Women’s Rights and Gender Equality Committee took a historic step on Wednesday, June 3, 2026, by adopting a powerful draft resolution to support Cypriot women and girls affected by the 1974 Turkish invasion. The committee voted overwhelmingly in favour of the text, with 28 votes for, 4 against, and 1 abstention. This landmark decision demands international accountability, immediate help for aging survivors, and a seat for women at the peace table.

The approved text strongly criticizes Turkey’s ongoing illegal occupation of northern Cyprus. It highlights the deep, lasting pain inflicted on women and girls, including forced displacement, family separation, and sexual violence used as a tactical weapon of war by the Turkish military. European lawmakers stated clearly that these actions are grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions. To help families heal, the committee is calling for victim-centred care, including trauma counselling and mental health support. They also want intergenerational healing programs to help families deal with long-term trauma. Furthermore, lawmakers are demanding more EU money and support for the Committee on Missing Persons in Cyprus, alongside a new monument in Nicosia to honour the women who survived these horrific crimes.

Lawmakers also urged leaders to restart United Nations peace talks right away. They are calling for all Turkish military forces to leave the island. The committee stated that the only fair solution is a unified, democratic Cyprus where both communities have political equality. Crucially, they insist that Cypriot women must be given a full and equal voice in these peace negotiations.

After the historic vote, rapporteur Eleonora Meleti shared this message:

“Following our committee's mission to Cyprus last year, we promised to listen to survivors and bring their voices to Europe. Today, we are delivering on that promise. Fifty-two years after the invasion, many women still carry the trauma of violence and silence. Our duty is not just to remember, but to act, defend their rights, and make sure these crimes are never forgotten or repeated.”

This resolution follows an emotional fact-finding mission to Nicosia that took place from May 26 to 28, 2025. Now that the committee has passed the draft, the full European Parliament will vote on the official resolution during an upcoming main session.

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HCRI; EU/FEMM

A major geopolitical mismatch is brewing in Canada’s capital, and critics warn it could leave Ottawa completely out of step with its most important ally.

Canada’s initiative to expand defence industrial cooperation with Turkey has collided with a harsh reality in Washington. As Ottawa expands its Defence Industrial Strategy (DIS) to cultivate "mid-power" manufacturing partnerships, a bipartisan legislative push in the United States is actively trying to downgrade relations with Ankara. For Canadian policymakers, this is not some minor policy difference. Ottawa and Washington cannot safely move in opposite directions regarding a state that increasingly puts Western security at risk.
Washington lawmakers have established a clear, multi-pronged position through both a pending bill and a recent congressional hearing evaluating Turkey's democratic backsliding. By proceeding down this path if the U.S. legislation passes, Canada risks creating friction with its most critical security and intelligence partner, potentially jeopardizing bilateral technology sharing and joint defense initiatives.

The strategic rift is driven by the introduction of the Turkey Diplomatic Realignment Act (H.R. 1890). Sponsored by Representatives Brad Schneider (D-IL) and Gus Bilirakis (R-FL), the bill delivers a scathing indictment of the NATO ally. U.S. lawmakers warn that Turkey’s destabilizing maneuvers in the Eastern Mediterranean and Middle East pose significant risks to regional stability. By forcing the U.S. State Department to downgrade Turkey’s diplomatic status, the legislation would send a definitive signal: Ankara’s deepening ties with Russia, its domestic authoritarian trajectory, and its anti-Western policy mean it can no longer be trusted as a reliable security partner.

American lawmakers are also continuing their years-long scrutiny of Turkey’s domestic regression with a new high-profile hearing. On Wednesday, June 3, 2026, the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission convened a critical session: "Can Turkey Find Its Way Back to Freedom? Authoritarian Consolidation vs Defense of Turkish Democracy." This ongoing bipartisan focus proves that Congress remains committed to challenging Ankara’s systemic human rights abuses and erosion of democratic norms.

Willful Blindness in Ottawa and Domestic Opposition
​
Canadian officials appear willfully blind to Turkey's aggressive regional posture and systemic internal human rights abuses. At the recent SAHA Defence Expo 2026 in Turkey, Secretary of State for Defence Procurement Stephen Fuhr advocated for an expansion of defence and industrial ties under a proposed Canada-Turkey Defence Initiative. Fuhr identified several key areas for bilateral cooperation, including the co-development of advanced drones and counter-drone systems.

This policy direction has generated immediate domestic opposition. A coalition of Greek-Canadian organizations, advocacy organizations, human rights activists, and concerned citizens formally demanded an immediate suspension of joint defence manufacturing initiatives. Opponents highlighted to Fuhr Turkey’s domestic human rights record, aggressive foreign policy, and previous violations of international export controls. When questioned regarding the political viability of reviving these ties, particularly in light of Canada's previous arms embargoes against Ankara, Fuhr minimized historical friction and noted that Canada remains focused on future strategic partnerships. Furthermore, defence correspondent Cem Devrim Yaylali for Defense News reported that Fuhr indicated past friction had not been raised during diplomatic talks.

The Hellenic Canadian Research Institute explicitly warned Fuhr that this new strategy repeats past failures, pointing to how Canadian military technology was previously diverted by Turkey to Azerbaijan and used in the ethnic cleansing of the Armenian population during the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh) war.

Reconsidering the Canada-Turkey Defence Initiative

Against this backdrop, Canada’s proposed defence initiative with Turkey appears increasingly unsustainable. The federal government must recognize a fundamental incompatibility: Ottawa cannot realistically co-develop military weapons with a state that American lawmakers are actively moving to diplomatically downgrade. Failing to align Canadian ambitions with Washington’s strategic reality, while dismissing the clear domestic warnings brought directly to Secretary Fuhr, leaves Canada in an untenable position.

Forging ahead with this initiative risks a severe breach of Canada's values-based foreign policy. By locking its defence industry into an unstable partnership with Turkey, Ottawa leaves itself profoundly exposed to complicity in external conflicts. Ultimately, proceeding down this path ensures that Canadian-manufactured weapons and components will once again be deployed in regional wars and tied to human rights violations abroad.

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HCRI; GACAN; USCNG; TLHRC; 

The Hellenic Canadian Research Institute is concerned with the recent statements by Canada’s Secretary of State for Defence Procurement, MP Stephen Fuhr. Following his visit to the SAHA Expo 2026 in Turkey, MP Fuhr indicated Canada’s intention to rapidly expand bilateral defence and industrial cooperation, specifically in the areas of drones, counter-drone systems, ammunition production, and autonomous technologies.

​The Hellenic Canadian Research Institute strongly objects to this policy shift, citing Turkey’s persistent expansionist agenda, destabilizing regional activities, and documented history of violating international export controls.

Expanding defence cooperation with an actor that consistently violates international law undermines Canada's commitment to global security and human rights. The Hellenic Canadian Research Institute has issued a formal, private communication to MP Fuhr urging an immediate halt to these plans.

Turkey has a history of unauthorized diversions of Canadian military technology. During the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh) conflict, Turkey illegally transferred Canadian-made military equipment to Azerbaijan. This technology was directly deployed against civilian populations, contributing to the subsequent ethnic cleansing of over 100,000 Armenians from their ancestral homeland.

Similar unauthorized diversions of Canadian technology by the Turkish government have also occurred in conflict zones across Syria and Libya. These systemic violations previously forced the Canadian government to suspend military export permits to Turkey between 2019 and 2021.

The Hellenic Canadian Research Institute warns that renewing and expanding this defence partnership overlooks Turkey’s ongoing aggressive foreign policy and human rights record, which includes:

• Sovereignty Violations: The ongoing illegal military occupation of Cyprus and continued irredentist claims against sovereign Greek territory and maritime boundaries in the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean.
• Support for Extremism: Documented political and logistical support for proscribed terrorist organizations, including Hamas and Hezbollah, as well as various jihadist militant factions in the Middle East.
• Regional Aggression: Continuous military operations and bombardments targeting Kurdish regions in northern Iraq and northern Syria.
• Geopolitical Inconsistency: Attempting to balance relations between Russia and the West during the ongoing war in Ukraine, complicating NATO solidarity.
• Domestic Repression: Widespread human rights abuses, including the systemic imprisonment of political opposition voices, journalists, and dissidents, and the systemic domestic repression of Kurdish citizens.

Given Turkey's ongoing belligerence in the Southeastern Mediterranean and broader region, the Hellenic Canadian Research Institute calls upon the Government of Canada to immediately halt all plans to expand defence and industrial ties with Turkey. The Hellenic Canadian Research Institute further demands rigorous, transparent oversight on all existing export permits to ensure Canadian technology is not utilized to facilitate regional aggression.

Hellenic Canadian Research Institute

According to the Turkish government, the Turkish-British agreement for the supply of 20 Eurofighter Typhoon fighters to Turkey signals a realignment in the balance of power, highlighting London as a bridge between the West and Ankara, and restoring the Greek-Turkish air balance of power to a symmetrical level by 2030.

Ankara has reached an agreement with the British government to purchase 20 Eurofighter Typhoon fighter jets, worth around £8 billion pounds, with deliveries to begin towards the end of the decade.

The announcement was made in Ankara, as part of Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s visit to the Turkish capital. Britain, it appears, has undertaken to promote the program/sale in collaboration with Germany and Italy, countries participating in the Typhoon consortium.

Germany's change of stance – which had been vetoing the deal for months due to human rights concerns and Turkey's stance on Gaza – unblocked the deal, giving London the "green light" to take on the role of "political intermediary" between NATO and Ankara.

A British government source told the Guardian newspaper that the sale "strengthens the collective security of the Alliance," while in Ankara, Defense Minister Yasar Guler spoke of a "landmark move" in the country's strategy for self-reliant air power.

Greece - Turkey: balance of power

The Eurofighter Typhoon purchase comes at a time of rebalancing of the Greek-Turkish balance of power in the air.

Greece has already received the Rafale F3Rs and moving towards delivery of the F-35As by late 2028, while Turkey is relying on the modernization of its F-16 Block 70 fleet, the development of the domestic stealth fighter KAAN and now the reinforcement of its combat air fleet with the Typhoons.

Although no superiority is emerging for either side, a "parallel upgrade" is emerging: both Air Forces will have multi-level squadrons of western technology by 2030, with comparable Beyond-Visual-Range engagement capabilities (i.e. BVR engagement capabilities) and interoperability with NATO.

The Turkish upgrades, however, also have a political dimension: it is a loud message for autonomy from the US, but also an attempt at avoiding complete dependence on inferior Russian or Chinese technology.

One could say, looking at the developments from a Greek perspective, that Athens wasted billions on purchases that do not provide it with any advantage – and, on the contrary, Turkey invested billions in the "purchase" of autonomy, as will be seen more clearly below.

The British "game"

The agreement with London is not an isolated one. BAE Systems (the UK's largest defense and aerospace group – and one of the top five globally) is already working with Turkish Aerospace Industries (TAI) on the KAAN program, which is the first Turkish-made stealth fighter.

The Typhoon sale cements this relationship and acts as a “reciprocal gesture” for the technical support of the British to the KAAN program, strengthening the UK’s footprint in the Turkish defence industry.

Simply put, London is selling aircraft and buying influence, while simultaneously turning a blind eye to Turkey's domestic human rights record, its ongoing belligerent rhetoric against a NATO member, its ongoing illegal occupation of an EU member state, and the atrocities it has recently been involved in from North Africa to the Caucasus, and throughout the Middle East.

​For Turkey, the alliance with Britain acts as a counterweight to the American decision that removed Turkey from the F-35 program and is also seen in Ankara as a safeguard against European pressures for Turkey to remove the "casus belli" threat (i.e. the "cause of war" threat) against Greece in order to be included in the EU's SAFE* program (* SAFE - Security Action for Europe).

The US-Britain "tug of war"

The Typhoon agreement illuminates a new reality or, more precisely, the study of the relationship between Washington and London, and the pursuit of their common geopolitical goals.

Washington remains cold towards Ankara due to the Russian S-400 missiles it refuses to part with and Erdogan's (very positive) line towards Moscow, while London is investing in being "the bridge" - offering weapons, technology and even the ridiculous political recognition of Turkey by Britain as an "ally" that is fully inline with the interests of NATO, and the west in general.

For its part, Ankara is taking full advantage of the complexities of the US-Britain tug-of-war, repositioning its relationship with NATO not as an equal "ally" interested in the shared security objectives of the organization, but as a rogue member state that gave itself the unilateral right of "multidimensional cooperation."

Turkey's purchase of the Typhoons, in this context, is less a military contract and more a Turkish declaration of geopolitical autonomy, something that should worry Washington.

The Greek reading of the agreement

For Athens, the Turkish-British agreement confirms that Turkey will go to great lengths to not be left without the alternatives, even if it means putting the entire region at risk. The Western market – and especially the European one – remains open to a Turkey that manipulates and skillfully plays the card of its geopolitical size and weight in a region (and era) where rapid changes are taking place.

This means that Greece must see its arms policy not as a numbers race, but as an investment in strategic depth, technological superiority and diplomatic credibility. Above all, perhaps, it will need a very clear, cross-party agreed-upon strategy for the country's foreign policy - something that successive Greek governments have struggled with since the country gained its independence two centuries ago. 

Ultimately, the "balance of power" will not be judged by who has more fighters, but by who integrates their air (and overall) power into a stable framework of alliances, exercises, and political consistency.

Turkey is trying to achieve this through "flexibility" and ensuring relative autonomy. For its part, Greece seems to have lost this margin (of autonomous political choices) and therefore appears to be an overly willing and obedient ally. But is this enough to ensure the country's sovereignty?

POLITICAL PROFILE: Tufan Erhürman

​Tufan Erhürman's landslide victory in the illegal, Turkish-occupied north Cyprus, with 62.76% against Turkey's hand-picked candidate Ersin Tatar's 35.81%, marks a significant political shift for the Turkish Cypriot community – and possibly, a new chapter towards the resolution of the Cyprus Problem.

Who is the Turkish Cypriot politician who achieved this victory against the will of Ankara?

His background

Tufan Erhürman was born in 1970 and is a lawyer, academic and former "prime minister" of the pseudo-state in the northern Occupied Territories.

He studied law at Ankara University, where he completed his doctorate on the institution of the Ombudsman.

He taught public law at universities in Turkey and Cyprus – including the Middle East Technical University, Hacettepe University, Eastern Mediterranean University and Near East University.

From an early age, he was involved in administrative reform and institutional transparency, and he also worked at the Turkish Ministry of Justice (1999-2004), where he contributed to the establishment of the office of the Ombudsman.

His rise in politics

His first foray into politics was his involvement on the negotiating team for the Cyprus Problem (2008-2010) under Mehmet Ali Talat.

In 2013, he was elected as a "deputy" of the Republican Turkish Party (CTP), a social democratic party, and took on a role for constitutional revision.

In 2016, he was elected leader of the CTP, while in 2018 he formed a four-party coalition government, serving as "prime minister" until May 2019, when he handed over power to Ersin Tatar.

His October 19 victory message

Although Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot political analysts on both sides overwhelmingly consider Erhürman's electoral victory a resounding message of distancing himself from Ankara's hard line "two-state" solution (i.e. the position of both Turkish President Erdogan and the previous Turkish Cypriot leader Tatar), one of his first statements sent mixed signals as he pledged to "closely consult and cooperate with Ankara on the Cyprus Problem."

Nevertheless, during the electoral campaign, he positioned himself as a moderate leader who supports a solution of a bizonal, bicommunal federation with political equality, based on UN resolutions and European Union principles.

In his victory statement, Erhürman called for unity, saying that "there are no losers", thanked parties and independent candidates who supported his campaign and announced that he was resigning from the leadership of the CTP, in order - as he said - "to govern all citizens, regardless of political origin".

Possibility to resume stalled reunification talks to resolve the Cyprus Problem?

Nicosia welcomed the result with cautious optimism.

The President of the Republic of Cyprus, Nikos Christodoulides, congratulated Erhürman and expressed readiness to resume negotiations for reunification, starting from the ones that broke down in Crans-Montana in 2017.

The President of the Cypriot House of Representatives, Annita Demetriou, stated that “the Turkish Cypriots have turned their backs on the two-state solution”, while the General Secretary of AKEL, Stefanos Stefanou, spoke of a “positive and hopeful message for a federal Cyprus”.

On the other hand, Turkish Presdient Recep Tayyip Erdogan congratulated the new leader, reiterating that “Turkey will continue to defend the sovereign rights of the TRNC [sic]”.
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Identifies as a moderate and pro-European

Beyond the political result, Erhürman's victory highlights the will of many Turkish Cypriots to resist full integration into the standards of the Turkish government.

He has spoken out against Turkey's mass naturalizations, interventions in schools and any attempt to alter the secular character of the Turkish Cypriot community.

His stance is expected to directly influence the next moves of the UN, with special envoy María Angela Holguín Cuéllar preparing a new informal, expanded meeting under the new circumstances.

For the first time after five years of inactivity, the Cyprus Problem seems to be entering a new phase. If Tufan Erhürman manages to balance the expectations of Turkish Cypriot society and the pressures of Ankara, then his electoral victory may prove to be the starting point of a new effort to reunify the island.

Questionable past political positions

• Has referred to two separate "Cypriot" peoples (and, therefore, separate political rights in a hypothetical reunification with separate governments; does not favor a central government);
• Referred to two separate "founding states" that could unite in a federation.
• Has never opposed the issue of guarantor powers;
• Has never stated that he seeks the withdrawal of the Turkish occupation forces, in full or in part;
• Has promoted the idea that the EU should recognize the Turkish-occupied north; 
• Former Turkish Cypriot leader Mustafa Akıncı supported the candidacy of Tufan Erhürman, however, he publicly stated that Erhürman is fully aligned with Ankara.

Understanding the "political establishment" in Turkish-occupied north Cyprus

The EU categorizes the Turkish-occupied north Cyprus as a "puppet state" of Turkey that is subservient to the Turkish occupation forces. Everything that occurs in the Turkish-occupied north is done with Turkey's approval via its military in the pseudo-state.

Although the Turkish government allows sham "presidential elections" to take place, the "leaders" in occupied north Cyprus are treated by Ankara as regional politicians, no different than the other regional leaders on the Turkish mainland.

The Turkish-occupied north Cyprus can not survive on its own as it is heavily embargoed by the international community. In order to function, Turkey is forced to not only conduct the pseudo-state's international business, but also transfers substantial sums of money on an annual basis to prop up their illegal occupation in Cyprus.

Previous moderate leaders in Turkish-occupied north Cyprus have failed to break away from the grips of Ankara in order to reach an agreement for the reunification of Cyprus due to Turkish government meddling, demands and control.

During the General Debate of the 80th Session of the General Assembly of the United Nations (being held in New York from 23-29 September 2025) the President of Cyprus, Nikos Christodoulides, gave the following address:

Madame President,

Ladies and gentlemen,

We stand at the brink of a precipice.

International order, as we know it, is challenged in an unprecedented manner, 80 years since the United Nations (UN) emerged out of World War II.

Today, we stand before drastic, unpredictable geopolitical shifts. Instability that appears to spiral. An unchartered landscape that seems resistant to the international order and norms as we know them.

We are witnessing devastating wars and unimaginable humanitarian catastrophe and human suffering. Blatant violations of international law and international humanitarian law that bring our system to its knees. We stand before the rise of use of force against sovereign states, that constantly escalate and expand threatening regional security and stability.
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States are sponsoring malign actors to destabilise. Disrupting critical maritime routes. The use of new means of warfare is rising, without even the most basic safeguards in place. Global security is constantly undermined.

At the same time, we are faced with the challenge of the uncontrolled expansion of technology and AI, threatening our security, and the well-being of our children. And climate change is looming – threatening livelihoods, economies, creating new migration routes. And inequalities are becoming embedded. The world is changing rapidly.

And while there can be no doubt that the UN has served a noble cause, and that together, we have achieved tremendous progress, at this critical moment of inflection, we have a Responsibility to recognise the shortcomings. To admit that we have lagged behind. That we have failed along the way. And these admissions need to stir us into action. We must urgently evolve to be fit to effectively address the immense, complex challenges we are faced with.

Ladies and gentlemen – This is our Moment of Responsibility. Collective Responsibility and Individual State Responsibility – inextricably linked and mutually reinforcing. The scale and nature of the challenges we face, require both. “Better Together” is the theme for this Assembly. But beyond Better, we are also “Stronger Together”. More Resilient Together.

This is the moment to renew our collective commitment and stand firmly and boldly in support of Multilateralism and International Law. Dialogue and Diplomacy are the sole path to lasting stability and security. Dialogue and Diplomacy over violence. Each and Every time. And most importantly, this is the moment to transform pledges into Bold Action. Into Change.

Ladies and gentlemen, history will look back to this moment in time. And it will be unforgiving. It will judge us all, not by the declaratory statements we pronounce, but by the change we enable. We will be judged by the change we become – as states, as governments, as leaders that have been elected by our citizens to deliver.

Ladies and gentlemen, my country, Cyprus, walks this path of Responsibility. And it stands ready to step up further. To assume even more its role as an enabler of security and stability in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Greater Middle East. As a driver of cooperation, underpinned by a vision of strength through partnership with like-minded countries, and as a safe harbour in turbulent waters. Determined to transform our geography in a complex region into a blessing. By building on our long-standing historical ties with our neighbours, that are anchored on trust, mutual respect, cooperation. Always part of the solution to the region’s challenges. As a Credible, Reliable, Responsible Partner. We have proven this, time and time again.

Cyprus will always be a stable, trustworthy, safe harbour. Let me be clear. This is not theoretical. It takes shape and form through concrete initiatives that build on Cyprus’ role as a hub of stability and cooperation in a challenging part of the world. Cyprus has consistently provided the necessary infrastructure and support for the evacuation of foreign nationals from areas of danger or conflict. From Sudan, from Lebanon, from Israel, from Iran.


Following the barbaric Hamas terrorist attack of October 7th, and the subsequent war that has led to a humanitarian tragedy in Gaza, Cyprus assumed, yet again, its moral responsibility to its region. We did so through the development of the Amalthea maritime corridor for the delivery of humanitarian assistance to the civilian population in Gaza. The route was reactivated as recently as this past week. We worked with like-minded partners – the United Arab Emirates, the United States, the European Union (EU), the UK, and others. And we delivered.

Furthermore, in the face of persecutions in the region towards religious and other minorities, Cyprus could not remain idle. Proving our long-standing commitment to upholding fundamental rights and freedoms, demonstrating once again Responsibility, we appointed a Special Envoy on the protection of religious freedom and the protection of minorities in the Middle East.

At the same time, Cyprus has responded to the calls of our neighbours for assistance in the face of fires, sending our brave firefighters as reinforcement. And our neighbours have reciprocated. Also, as part of our regional Responsibility in addressing climate change, Cyprus and Jordan’s proposed initiative for a European firefighting hub in Cyprus, covering the region is now on the path for implementation by the EU.

The aforementioned examples, Dear friends, are only a snapshot of Cyprus’s active, tangible Responsibility. And I am very proud that my country walks this path of Responsibility. And we are determined to expand it. Always part of the solution. Never part of the problem.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Cyprus stands ready to assume its regional Responsibility also in the context of bringing an end to the war in Gaza, and given our proximity, to play a role in its reconstruction. Let me be clear: there are no substitutes for peace. This war, must end.

A first necessary step is the immediate ceasefire in Gaza and I hope that President Trump’s initiative has a positive outcome. At the same time, the humanitarian catastrophe must be alleviated. This means, unhindered flow of aid in Gaza. The displacement must also end. International humanitarian law must be respected. We call with the same fervour for the immediate release of all hostages. And, as unreachable as it may seem at this moment, we must not lose sight of the path for peace. For a two-state solution in line with UN Security Council Resolutions. We have a Responsibility to continue our work for a future in which Israel and Palestine live side by side in conditions of lasting security and peace.
And, we must be clear and unequivocal that Hamas, a terrorist organisation, has no place in such a future.

Ladies and gentlemen,

As part of our Responsibility, Cyprus will assume the rotating Presidency of the Council of the EU in January of 2026. The EU, that has evolved into an unprecedented political union, embodying the essence of multilateralism, anchored on respect for the UN Charter. It is a project of collective Responsibility that delivers. A unifying force of Stability, Security and Prosperity.

The EU Presidency is yet another moment of Responsibility for Cyprus. Europe’s heart will beat for 6 months from the Union’s last divided member state, under occupation since the 1974 Turkish invasion. We will exercise our Responsibility fully aware of what is at stake:

- An imperative need to deliver stronger Multilateralism, more integration, and more cooperation between Europe and the world.

- To deliver a stronger, more secure, more autonomous Union.

- Committed to supporting partners, focusing also on the Eastern Mediterranean and the Greater Middle East. 

- Supporting and investing in strategic partners that are pillars of stability in the region such as Jordan and Egypt.

- Working together with our Lebanese partners to ensure long lasting stability in the country.

- Working to ensure stability in Syria, inclusivity, respect to religious freedoms and protection of minorities.

- Assuming more Responsibility as a Union for our security, and that of our neighbourhood.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Cyprus will assume another role of Responsibility – for the first time – as a member of the Human Rights Council for the period 2025-2027. It is in the same spirit that we also proudly presented our candidature for the Presidency of the 81st Session of the UN General Assembly. As a member state that embodies and embraces the principles of Multilateralism, Inclusivity, Bridge Building and Responsibility.

Madame President,

Ladies and gentlemen,

​The Russian aggression against Ukraine in violation of the UN Charter must serve as a wake-up call. As we condemn the use of force against a sovereign nation, the killing of civilians, the forced disappearance of children, the destruction and displacement, we have an obligation to remember: We must collectively act against aggressors no matter who they are.
Appeasing the aggressor never yields results. History demonstrates this clearly. Each time we turn a blind eye to violation of territorial integrity and sovereignty of states Anywhere in the world, we create space and opportunity for the next aggressor. And this time it can be bordering your country.

In 2022 Russia invaded a sovereign nation, Ukraine, violating the UN Charter.

In 1974, Turkey invaded a sovereign nation, Cyprus, violating the UN Charter. The violation is equal. The suffering. The invasion and occupation. Cyprus is under occupation by Turkey for 51 years. Tens of thousands displaced. Women raped.
Destruction of cultural and religious heritage. The fenced town of Varosha, held hostage by Turkey, awaiting for its lawful inhabitants to return, as the relevant UN Security Council Resolutions have prescribed for Turkey to allow. A policy of illegal settlements to change the demographic character of the country. Families waiting for the fate of their loved ones for decades. As a young boy in those early years after the invasion, the images of mothers and children weeping for their loved ones have been engraved in my memory. The Playbook of occupiers is always the same.

Ladies and gentlemen,

From this very podium yesterday, Mr Erdogan preached the world on peace and accountability. He pointed the finger to others, for crimes Turkey itself commits every single day. That is selective sensitivity and hypocrisy of the highest form.
Illegality cannot yield legality. Illegality stemming from use of force cannot be recognised. No matter who the perpetrator is, no matter who the victim is.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Politicians are judged not by their words but by their actions. It is what distinguishes Politicians from Leaders. 

Cyprus has proven time and again that it is a Reliable, Responsible actor. A country that not only “Talks the Talk” but also “Walks the Walk” of Responsibility. And my call today to Mr Erdogan is to join that path of Responsibility:
To end the occupation, through negotiations for a comprehensive settlement that will reunify Cyprus in a bizonal bicommunal federation with political equality. Always in line with UN Security Council Resolutions, EU law values and principles. This is the only way.

Therefore, let me repeat: the call for Responsibility is the loudest for my own country. I am ready for this moment of Responsibility, ready to deliver on the call of history to reunify Cyprus, to reunify my people, Greek and Turkish Cypriots.

Madame President,

Ladies and gentlemen,

We stand at the brink of a precipice. And while the impulse may be to shrink away from the immense Responsibility we inherited from the visionaries who stood here 80 years ago, now is the moment for us to assume our Responsibility – collectively, and individually as states.

Rest assured that Cyprus will continue to do its part. By being Responsible. By being advocates for Responsibility. For the good of humanity. For our Peoples.

On this day, August 14, 1974, the Turkish military launched the second phase of its illegal invasion of Cyprus, code‑named "Attila II."

This second offensive, unleashed just weeks after the initial July assault, constituted a deliberate and dishonorable breach of the ceasefire and a calculated violation of international trust. While diplomatic negotiations were underway in Geneva, Turkey used the talks as a strategic smokescreen to stall for time, preparing a full‑scale attack at the very moment when Cypriot defenders — vastly outnumbered and still upholding the truce in good faith — remained committed to peace.

Within days, Turkish forces seized over 36% of Cyprus’s sovereign territory, including the historic city of Ammochostos (Famagusta), the fertile Mesaoria plain, and the Morphou region. The assault triggered one of the largest waves of displacement in Europe at the time: more than 162,000 Greek Cypriots were forced from their homes overnight, becoming refugees within their own country. Thousands were killed or went missing, leaving families without answers for half a century.

The second invasion drew immediate and unequivocal condemnation from the United Nations and the international community for violating Cyprus’s sovereignty and destroying the prospects for peace. That global opposition has remained steadfast for five decades, as the international consensus continues to reject the legitimacy of the ongoing occupation and the forced division of the island.

​The tragic events of August 14, 1974, laid the foundation for the illegal partition of Cyprus and the establishment of the UN buffer zone that still divides the island today. As we mark this solemn anniversary, we honor the victims of this dark chapter, stand with the displaced families who continue to seek justice, and reaffirm our unwavering commitment to a liberated, unified, and peaceful Cyprus.


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14 Αυγούστου 1974 – Η Δεύτερη Τουρκική Εισβολή στην Κύπρο

​Σαν σήμερα, 14 Αυγούστου 1974, ο τουρκικός στρατός εξαπέλυσε τη δεύτερη φάση της παράνομης εισβολής στην Κύπρο, με την κωδική ονομασία «Αττίλας II».

Η δεύτερη αυτή επίθεση, που εξαπολύθηκε μόλις λίγες εβδομάδες μετά την αρχική εισβολή του Ιουλίου, αποτέλεσε μια εσκεμμένη και κατάφωρη παραβίαση της εκεχειρίας και μια υπολογισμένη καταστρατήγηση της διεθνούς εμπιστοσύνης. Ενώ οι διπλωματικές διαπραγματεύσεις βρίσκονταν σε εξέλιξη στη Γενεύη, η Τουρκία χρησιμοποίησε τις συνομιλίες ως παραπλανητικό τέχνασμα για να κερδίσει χρόνο, προετοιμάζοντας μια ολοκληρωμένη επίθεση τη στιγμή ακριβώς που οι Κύπριοι υπερασπιστές — αριθμητικά συντριπτικά λιγότεροι και εξακολουθώντας να τηρούν την εκεχειρία με καλή πίστη — παρέμεναν δεσμευμένοι στην ειρήνη.

Μέσα σε λίγες ημέρες, οι τουρκικές δυνάμεις κατέλαβαν πάνω από το 36% της κυπριακής επικράτειας, συμπεριλαμβανομένης της ιστορικής Αμμοχώστου, της εύφορης πεδιάδας της Μεσαορίας και της περιοχής της Μόρφου. Η επίθεση προκάλεσε ένα από τα μεγαλύτερα κύματα εκτοπισμού στην Ευρώπη εκείνη την εποχή: περισσότεροι από 162.000 Ελληνοκύπριοι εκδιώχθηκαν από τα σπίτια τους μέσα σε μία νύχτα, μετατρεπόμενοι σε πρόσφυγες μέσα στην ίδια τους τη χώρα. Χιλιάδες σκοτώθηκαν ή αγνοούνται, αφήνοντας οικογένειες χωρίς απαντήσεις για μισό αιώνα.

Η δεύτερη εισβολή προκάλεσε άμεση και κατηγορηματική καταδίκη από τα Ηνωμένα Έθνη και τη διεθνή κοινότητα για την κατάφωρη παραβίαση της κυριαρχίας της Κύπρου και την καταστροφή των προοπτικών ειρήνης. Αυτή η παγκόσμια αντίθεση παραμένει αμετάβλητη εδώ και πέντε δεκαετίες, καθώς η διεθνής συναίνεση εξακολουθεί να απορρίπτει τη νομιμότητα της συνεχιζόμενης κατοχής και του βίαιου διαμελισμού του νησιού.

Τα τραγικά γεγονότα της 14ης Αυγούστου 1974 έθεσαν τα θεμέλια για τον παράνομο διαχωρισμό της Κύπρου και τη δημιουργία της νεκρής ζώνης των Ηνωμένων Εθνών που εξακολουθεί να διαιρεί το νησί μέχρι σήμερα. Καθώς τιμούμε αυτή τη βαριά επέτειο, τιμούμε τα θύματα αυτού του σκοτεινού κεφαλαίου της σύγχρονης ιστορίας του νησιού, στεκόμαστε δίπλα στις εκτοπισμένες οικογένειες που συνεχίζουν να αναζητούν δικαιοσύνη και επαναβεβαιώνουμε τη σταθερή μας δέσμευση για μια ελεύθερη, ενωμένη και ειρηνική Κύπρο.

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​HCRI

Today, July 20, we remember the victims of the illegal Turkish invasion and occupation of northern Cyprus—an act that violated fundamental principles of international law, including the Charter of the United Nations.

The Turkish concept of partitioning Cyprus dates back to 1957, when Turkish Cypriot politician and future first Vice President of Cyprus, Fazıl Küçük, introduced the idea of “Taksim” (meaning “division”). To fulfill the goal of Taksim and destabilize Cyprus, the Turkish government supported and funded the Turkish Resistance Organization (TMT). This group, officially deemed a terrorist organization by British colonial authorities in 1958, was established by Rauf Denktaş and Rıza Vuruşkan, and engaged in anti-government activities, sabotage, incitement of violence, murder, and false-flag operations.

Turkey ultimately found the pretext it needed to invade the island and execute its partition plan following the Athens junta-sponsored coup on July 15, 1974, against the democratically elected Cypriot government of President Makarios. Five days later, the Turkish invasion began, unfolding in two phases over the subsequent four weeks. To this day, Turkey illegally occupies over 36% of the territory of Cyprus.

As a result of the Turkish military invasion and continued occupation:

• Mass Displacement: Over 162,000 Greek Cypriots were forced to flee their homes in the occupied north, becoming refugees in their own country. These displaced individuals continue to be prevented by Turkish occupation forces from returning to their homes and properties.
  
  
• Enclaved Populations: Roughly 20,000 Greek Cypriots and Maronites attempted to remain in their ancestral lands on the Karpasia Peninsula after the invasion. Over the decades, systemic harassment forced the vast majority to leave, dwindling their numbers to around 300 today.
  
  
• The Missing: Approximately 2,000 Greek Cypriots (including men, women, and children) disappeared in 1974. This figure includes prisoners of war who were illegally transferred to prisons inside Turkey or held within the occupied zone. Half of these missing person cases remain under active investigation.
  
  
• Intra-Island Movement: In 1975, Turkish Cypriots were pressured by Turkey to abandon their homes in areas controlled by the legitimate government of Cyprus and relocate to the north through coercion and threats.
  
  
• Demographic Alteration: Turkey implemented a systematic policy of population transfer into northern Cyprus, moving more than 160,000 settlers from mainland Turkey to alter the demographic profile and balance of the island.
  
  
• Cultural Erasure: Turkey pursued a policy of "Turkification" in the occupied north, systematically dismantling the region's Greek cultural heritage, destroying Christian monuments, and replacing historical Greek geographical place names with Turkish ones.

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20 Ιουλίου 1974 - Τουρκική Εισβολή στην Κύπρο

Σήμερα, 20 Ιουλίου, τιμούμε τη μνήμη των θυμάτων της παράνομης τουρκικής εισβολής και κατοχής της βόρειας Κύπρου—μιας πράξης που παραβίασε θεμελιώδεις αρχές του διεθνούς δικαίου, συμπεριλαμβανομένου του Χάρτη των Ηνωμένων Εθνών.

Η τουρκική ιδέα για τη διχοτόμηση της Κύπρου χρονολογείται από το 1957, όταν ο Τουρκοκύπριος πολιτικός και μετέπειτα πρώτος Αντιπρόεδρος της Κύπρου, Φαζίλ Κιουτσούκ, εισήγαγε την ιδέα της «Ταξίμ» (που σημαίνει «Διαίρεση»). Για την υλοποίηση του στόχου της Ταξίμ και την αποσταθεροποίηση της Κύπρου, η τουρκική κυβέρνηση υποστήριξε και χρηματοδότησε την Τουρκική Οργάνωση Αντίστασης (TMT). Η ομάδα αυτή, η οποία χαρακτηρίστηκε επίσημα ως τρομοκρατική οργάνωση από τις βρετανικές αποικιακές αρχές το 1958, ιδρύθηκε από τους Ραούφ Ντενκτάς και Ριζά Βουρουσκάν, και ενεπλάκη σε αντικυβερνητικές δραστηριότητες, δολιοφθορές, υποκίνηση βίας, δολοφονίες και επιχειρήσεις προβοκάτσιας (false-flag).

Η Τουρκία βρήκε τελικά το πρόσχημα που χρειαζόταν για να εισβάλει στο νησί και να εφαρμόσει το διχοτομικό της σχέδιο μετά το πραξικόπημα της χούντας των Αθηνών στις 15 Ιουλίου 1974 κατά της δημοκρατικά εκλεγμένης κυπριακής κυβέρνησης του Προέδρου Μακαρίου. Πέντε ημέρες αργότερα ξεκίνησε η τουρκική εισβολή, η οποία εξελίχθηκε σε δύο φάσεις κατά τις επόμενες τέσσερις εβδομάδες. Μέχρι σήμερα, η Τουρκία κατέχει παράνομα πάνω από το 36% του εδάφους της Κύπρου.

Ως αποτέλεσμα της τουρκικής στρατιωτικής εισβολής και της συνεχιζόμενης κατοχής:

• Μαζικός Εκτοπισμός: Πάνω από 162.000* Ελληνοκύπριοι αναγκάστηκαν να εγκαταλείψουν τα σπίτια τους στον κατεχόμενο βορρά, γινόμενοι πρόσφυγες στην ίδια τους την πατρίδα. Οι εκτοπισμένοι αυτοί συνεχίζουν να εμποδίζονται από τις τουρκικές δυνάμεις κατοχής να επιστρέψουν στα σπίτια και τις περιουσίες τους.
  
  
• Εγκλωβισμένοι Πληθυσμοί: Περίπου 20.000 Ελληνοκύπριοι και Μαρωνίτες προσπάθησαν να παραμείνουν στα πατρογονικά τους εδάφη στη χερσόνησο της Καρπασίας μετά την εισβολή. Με την πάροδο των δεκαετιών, η συστηματική παρενόχληση ανάγκασε τη συντριπτική πλειονότητα να αποχωρήσει, με αποτέλεσμα ο αριθμός τους να έχει μειωθεί σήμερα σε περίπου 300 άτομα.
  
  
• Οι Αγνοούμενοι: Περίπου 2.000 Ελληνοκύπριοι (συμπεριλαμβανομένων ανδρών, γυναικών και παιδιών) εξαφανίστηκαν το 1974. Ο αριθμός αυτός περιλαμβάνει αιχμαλώτους πολέμου που μεταφέρθηκαν παράνομα σε φυλακές εντός της Τουρκίας ή κρατήθηκαν εντός της κατεχόμενης ζώνης. Οι μισές από αυτές τις υποθέσεις αγνοουμένων παραμένουν υπό ενεργό διερεύνηση.
  
  
• Εσωτερική Μετακίνηση: Το 1975, οι Τουρκοκύπριοι πιέστηκαν από την Τουρκία να εγκαταλείψουν τα σπίτια τους στις περιοχές που ελέγχονταν από τη νόμιμη κυβέρνηση της Κύπρου και να μετακινηθούν στον βορρά μέσω εξαναγκασμού και απειλών.
  
  
• Δημογραφική Αλλοίωση: Η Τουρκία εφάρμοσε μια συστηματική πολιτική μεταφοράς πληθυσμού στα κατεχόμενα, μεταφέροντας περισσότερους από 160.000 εποίκους από την ηπειρωτική Τουρκία για να αλλάξει το δημογραφικό προφίλ και τις ισορροπίες του νησιού.
  
  
• Πολιτιστική Εξάλειψη: Η Τουρκία ακολούθησε μια πολιτική «Τουρκοποίησης» στον κατεχόμενο βορρά, αποδιοργανώνοντας συστηματικά την ελληνική πολιτιστική κληρονομιά της περιοχής, καταστρέφοντας χριστιανικά μνημεία και αντικαθιστώντας τα ιστορικά ελληνικά τοπωνύμια με τουρκικά.

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HCRI; Last update: July 18, 2026

​The Hellenic Canadian Research Institute (the Hellenic Institute) strongly condemns the unilateral actions taken by Cypriot MEP Fidias Panayiotou on July 1, 2025, in meeting with the so-called 'President' Ersin Tatar and others in the illegal, Turkish-occupied north Cyprus.

This action violates UN Security Council resolutions, and is an affront to all Greek Cypriots who were killed or who are still missing, and it also simultaneously sullies the memory of those who heroically fought against the illegal Turkish invasion over fifty years ago.

This action also constitutes a weapon for the illegal Turkish occupier, especially because the meeting was hosted at the very epicenter of where Turkish propaganda is propagated from - the "Presidential Palace" in occupied Nicosia.

The self-declared "Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus" is not recognized by the international community, except for Turkey. Unilateral acts based on one's personal ideological perspectives have dire consequences in the real world. Whether directly or indirectly, such an act legitimizes the occupier - Turkey - and undermines the efforts of the government of the Republic of Cyprus that has been trying to resolve this problem.

The Hellenic Institute demands that Mr. Panayiotou fall in line with the positions of both Cyprus and the European Union on this very sensitive national security issue for his country.
​
Hellenic Canadian Research Institute (Hellenic Institute)

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​Το Ελληνοκαναδικό Ερευνητικό Ινστιτούτο (Ελληνικό Ινστιτούτο) καταδικάζει έντονα τις μονομερείς ενέργειες που πήρε ο Κύπριος ευρωβουλευτής Φειδίας Παναγιώτου την 1η Ιουλίου 2025, σε συνάντηση που είχε με τον λεγόμενο «Πρόεδρο» Ερσίν Τατάρ και άλλους στα κατεχόμενα της Κύπρου.

Αυτή η ενέργεια παραβιάζει τα ψηφίσματα του Συμβουλίου Ασφαλείας του ΟΗΕ και αποτελεί προσβολή για όλους τους Έλληνες Κύπριους που σκοτώθηκαν και όλοι αυτοί που ακόμα αγνοούνται, και ταυτόχρονα αμαυρώνει τη μνήμη όσων πολέμησαν ηρωικά ενάντια στην παράνομη τουρκική εισβολή πριν από πενήντα χρόνια.

Αυτή η ενέργεια αποτελεί επίσης όπλο για τον παράνομο Τούρκο κατακτητή, ειδικά επειδή η συνάντηση πραγματοποιήθηκε στο επίκεντρο της τουρκικής προπαγάνδας - δηλαδή στο «Προεδρικό Μέγαρο» στην κατεχόμενη Λευκωσία.

Η αυτοανακηρυγμένη «Τουρκική Δημοκρατία της Βόρειας Κύπρου» δεν αναγνωρίζεται από τη διεθνή κοινότητα, εκτός από την Τουρκία. Οι μονομερείς ενέργειες που βασίζονται σε προσωπικές ιδεολογικές προοπτικές έχουν τρομερές συνέπειες. Είτε άμεσα είτε έμμεσα, μια τέτοια πράξη νομιμοποιεί τον Τούρκο κατακτητή και υπονομεύει τις προσπάθειες της κυβέρνησης της Κυπριακής Δημοκρατίας που προσπαθεί να επιλύσει αυτό το πρόβλημα.

Το Ελληνικό Ινστιτούτο απαιτεί από τον κ. Παναγιώτου να ευθυγραμμιστεί με τις θέσεις τόσο της Κύπρου όσο και της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης σε αυτό το πολύ ευαίσθητο ζήτημα εθνικής ασφάλειας της χώρας του.

Ελληνοκαναδικό Ερευνητικό Ινστιτούτο (Ελληνικό Ινστιτούτο)