Cyprus has formally informed the United Nations about the latest violations by Turkey of Cyprus’ airspace, territorial waters and air traffic regulations, recorded between March and May 2026.

​In a letter dated 22 June 2026 and addressed to the UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, the Permanent Representative of Cyprus to the United Nations, Ambassador Maria Michail, said she wished to bring to his attention “the latest violations of Cyprus’ national airspace, of international air traffic regulations in Cyprus’ Flight Information Region (FIR), of the territorial waters of Cyprus and the illegal use of closed ports and airports in Cyprus, by the air and naval forces of Turkey.”

'Ongoing violations'

According to the letter, “a total of 520 air and 23 naval violations were recorded during this period.” Cyprus further noted that “103 out of the 520 air violations were conducted by Turkish military unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), while 196 by Turkish armed military fighter aircraft.”

It is mentioned that, beyond these recorded incidents, “the Turkish occupation forces continue to breach the military status quo on the island on an almost daily basis” and “further strengthen their military infrastructure in the occupied areas.”

Cyprus said these actions “once again manifest Turkey's ongoing violation of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of the Republic of Cyprus,” adding that they are “in contravention of the Charter of the United Nations and international law.”

'Persistent aggressions'

The Permanent Representative of Cyprus also underlined that such actions “highlight the persistent aggressive behaviour of the occupying power” and “severely undermine the sense of security of all Cypriots.”

She added that they “impede the efforts aimed at creating conditions conducive to the resumption of the negotiations for the comprehensive settlement of the Cyprus problem.”

The annexes to the letter provide a detailed monthly account of the recorded incidents. In March 2026, Cyprus reported airborne violations involving Turkish military UAVs, helicopters, fighter aircraft and other military aircraft. The annex refers, among others, to Eight BAYRAKTAR TB-2 Turkish military unmanned aerial vehicles, Four ANKA Turkish military UAVs, Two AKSUNGUR Turkish military UAVs, Seven AS-532 Turkish military helicopters, and Thirty-six F-16 Turkish military fighter aircraft. Each of these, according to the annex, “infringed international air traffic regulations and violated the national airspace of the Republic of Cyprus” by entering “the Nicosia FIR and the national airspace of the Republic of Cyprus without diplomatic permit or contacting Nicosia ACC.”

Timeline

For April 2026, the letter recorded further airborne violations, including Twenty-two BAYRAKTAR TB-2 Turkish military UAVs, Thirteen ANKA Turkish military UAVs, Fifteen AS-532 Turkish military helicopters, and Ninety-four F-16 Turkish military fighter aircraft. The annex again states that they entered the Nicosia FIR and the national airspace of the Republic of Cyprus “without diplomatic permit or contacting Nicosia ACC.”

In May 2026, the annex lists additional incidents involving Twenty-three BAYRAKTAR TB-2 Turkish military UAVs, Twenty-one ANKA Turkish military UAVs, Five AKINCI Turkish military UAVs, Five AKSUNGUR Turkish military UAVs, and Sixty-six F-16 Turkish military fighter aircraft, all described as having “infringed international air traffic regulations and violated the national airspace of the Republic of Cyprus.”

The naval annexes also recorded violations between March and May 2026. In March, Cyprus reported that Turkish vessels including “TUFAN,” “KARATAS,” “OSMAN GAZI,” “ATAK,” “BAYRAKTAR” and “ZIPKIN” “violated the territorial waters of the Republic of Cyprus” and “illegally used the closed port of Famagusta while participating in a naval operation of the occupation forces.”

In April, the reported naval violations involved, among others, the vessels “ZIPKIN,” “KILIÇ,” “KARATAS,” “KDZ EREGLI” and the submarine “GUR.” The annex states that these vessels “violated the territorial waters of the Republic of Cyprus,” with some “illegally” using “the closed port of Famagusta” and others “the closed port of Kyrenia.”

For May, Cyprus reported violations involving “KILIÇ,” “KARATAS,” “KDZ EREGLI” and the submarine “INONU.” According to the annex, these vessels “violated the territorial waters of the Republic of Cyprus” and “illegally used the closed port of Famagusta” or “the closed port of Kyrenia” while participating “in a naval operation of the occupation forces.”

Cyprus reiterated in the letter that it “remains fully committed” to supporting the efforts of the Secretary-General and his Personal Envoy “aimed at resuming negotiations and achieving an enduring, comprehensive and just settlement.”

The letter specifies that such a settlement should be “based on a bizonal, bicommunal federation with political equality,” and “in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the Security Council.”

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​CNA/ΚΥΠΕ

Turkey
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Although EU enlargement policy is currently regaining momentum, Turkey is missing this window of opportunity due to a lack of democratic reforms, MEPs conclude in the resolution adopted on Wednesday by 381 votes in favour and 107 against, with 171 abstentions.

Despite the Turkish government’s repeated statements reaffirming its commitment to EU membership, key shortcomings affecting the accession process remain unaddressed, the report says. MEPs call on the Turkish government to tackle persistent deficiencies in the areas of the rule of law, human rights, democratic standards, freedom of the press and other fundamental freedoms, as well as to respect good neighbourly relations and international law. The Parliament deplores the fact that Turkey continues to violate the sovereign rights of EU member states, such as Greece and Cyprus. The report also criticises the limited response of other EU institutions and many member states to these developments, urging them to take a stronger stance in defence of democratic standards and the rule of law in Turkey. Although the accession process has been at a standstill since 2018, Turkey remains a country of strategic and geopolitical importance and a NATO ally, says the report.

The rapporteur Sancho Nachez Amor (S&D, Spain) said: “Turkey continues to move rapidly towards a fully authoritarian model. The recent case targeting the main opposition party, CHP, and its legitimate leadership is the latest example of a broader erosion of democratic pluralism and the rule of law, highlighting the role of a judiciary which is weaponized for political purposes. In the face of such a grave situation, we are deeply concerned by the muted response of the Commission, the EEAS and the Member States, which continue to turn a blind eye to the ongoing dismantling of democracy in Turkey. This silence undermines the EU’s image and credibility and further alienates the most pro-European and pro-democratic segments of Turkish society, with consequences that may take years to reverse.”

Georgia

With serious continued democratic backsliding in Georgia, MEPs regret that the ruling Georgian Dream party has not taken any steps to reverse the negative trends. The report highlights that EU and member states’ engagement with the Georgian authorities should be strictly conditional on their taking tangible and verifiable steps to reverse the course of democratic regression, restrictions and fierce Russian-style anti-EU-disinformation. The resolution, adopted on Wednesday by 436 votes in favour and 145 against, with 47 abstentions, expresses full solidarity with the Georgian people, who continue their struggle for a European and democratic Georgia in the face of democratic backsliding. The report maintains, however, Parliament’s previous position regarding non-recognition of the legitimacy of Georgia's parliament and the president appointed by it.

"The Georgian Dream regime continues to dismantle democratic institutions, silence independent media and hold one of the highest numbers of political prisoners in the region, including Sakharov prize laureate Mzia Amaglobeli. This is unacceptable for an EU candidate country. We must now move towards imposing coordinated EU-wide sanctions against those responsible for repression and state capture," said the rapporteur Rasa Juknevičienė (EPP, Lithuania).

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EUROPARL

The Hellenic Canadian Research Institute is concerned with the recent statements by Canada’s Secretary of State for Defence Procurement, MP Stephen Fuhr. Following his visit to the SAHA Expo 2026 in Turkey, MP Fuhr indicated Canada’s intention to rapidly expand bilateral defence and industrial cooperation, specifically in the areas of drones, counter-drone systems, ammunition production, and autonomous technologies.

​The Hellenic Canadian Research Institute strongly objects to this policy shift, citing Turkey’s persistent expansionist agenda, destabilizing regional activities, and documented history of violating international export controls.

Expanding defence cooperation with an actor that consistently violates international law undermines Canada's commitment to global security and human rights. The Hellenic Canadian Research Institute has issued a formal, private communication to MP Fuhr urging an immediate halt to these plans.

Turkey has a history of unauthorized diversions of Canadian military technology. During the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh) conflict, Turkey illegally transferred Canadian-made military equipment to Azerbaijan. This technology was directly deployed against civilian populations, contributing to the subsequent ethnic cleansing of over 100,000 Armenians from their ancestral homeland.

Similar unauthorized diversions of Canadian technology by the Turkish government have also occurred in conflict zones across Syria and Libya. These systemic violations previously forced the Canadian government to suspend military export permits to Turkey between 2019 and 2021.

The Hellenic Canadian Research Institute warns that renewing and expanding this defence partnership overlooks Turkey’s ongoing aggressive foreign policy and human rights record, which includes:

• Sovereignty Violations: The ongoing illegal military occupation of Cyprus and continued irredentist claims against sovereign Greek territory and maritime boundaries in the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean.
• Support for Extremism: Documented political and logistical support for proscribed terrorist organizations, including Hamas and Hezbollah, as well as various jihadist militant factions in the Middle East.
• Regional Aggression: Continuous military operations and bombardments targeting Kurdish regions in northern Iraq and northern Syria.
• Geopolitical Inconsistency: Attempting to balance relations between Russia and the West during the ongoing war in Ukraine, complicating NATO solidarity.
• Domestic Repression: Widespread human rights abuses, including the systemic imprisonment of political opposition voices, journalists, and dissidents, and the systemic domestic repression of Kurdish citizens.

Given Turkey's ongoing belligerence in the Southeastern Mediterranean and broader region, the Hellenic Canadian Research Institute calls upon the Government of Canada to immediately halt all plans to expand defence and industrial ties with Turkey. The Hellenic Canadian Research Institute further demands rigorous, transparent oversight on all existing export permits to ensure Canadian technology is not utilized to facilitate regional aggression.

Hellenic Canadian Research Institute

According to the Turkish government, the Turkish-British agreement for the supply of 20 Eurofighter Typhoon fighters to Turkey signals a realignment in the balance of power, highlighting London as a bridge between the West and Ankara, and restoring the Greek-Turkish air balance of power to a symmetrical level by 2030.

Ankara has reached an agreement with the British government to purchase 20 Eurofighter Typhoon fighter jets, worth around £8 billion pounds, with deliveries to begin towards the end of the decade.

The announcement was made in Ankara, as part of Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s visit to the Turkish capital. Britain, it appears, has undertaken to promote the program/sale in collaboration with Germany and Italy, countries participating in the Typhoon consortium.

Germany's change of stance – which had been vetoing the deal for months due to human rights concerns and Turkey's stance on Gaza – unblocked the deal, giving London the "green light" to take on the role of "political intermediary" between NATO and Ankara.

A British government source told the Guardian newspaper that the sale "strengthens the collective security of the Alliance," while in Ankara, Defense Minister Yasar Guler spoke of a "landmark move" in the country's strategy for self-reliant air power.

Greece - Turkey: balance of power

The Eurofighter Typhoon purchase comes at a time of rebalancing of the Greek-Turkish balance of power in the air.

Greece has already received the Rafale F3Rs and moving towards delivery of the F-35As by late 2028, while Turkey is relying on the modernization of its F-16 Block 70 fleet, the development of the domestic stealth fighter KAAN and now the reinforcement of its combat air fleet with the Typhoons.

Although no superiority is emerging for either side, a "parallel upgrade" is emerging: both Air Forces will have multi-level squadrons of western technology by 2030, with comparable Beyond-Visual-Range engagement capabilities (i.e. BVR engagement capabilities) and interoperability with NATO.

The Turkish upgrades, however, also have a political dimension: it is a loud message for autonomy from the US, but also an attempt at avoiding complete dependence on inferior Russian or Chinese technology.

One could say, looking at the developments from a Greek perspective, that Athens wasted billions on purchases that do not provide it with any advantage – and, on the contrary, Turkey invested billions in the "purchase" of autonomy, as will be seen more clearly below.

The British "game"

The agreement with London is not an isolated one. BAE Systems (the UK's largest defense and aerospace group – and one of the top five globally) is already working with Turkish Aerospace Industries (TAI) on the KAAN program, which is the first Turkish-made stealth fighter.

The Typhoon sale cements this relationship and acts as a “reciprocal gesture” for the technical support of the British to the KAAN program, strengthening the UK’s footprint in the Turkish defence industry.

Simply put, London is selling aircraft and buying influence, while simultaneously turning a blind eye to Turkey's domestic human rights record, its ongoing belligerent rhetoric against a NATO member, its ongoing illegal occupation of an EU member state, and the atrocities it has recently been involved in from North Africa to the Caucasus, and throughout the Middle East.

​For Turkey, the alliance with Britain acts as a counterweight to the American decision that removed Turkey from the F-35 program and is also seen in Ankara as a safeguard against European pressures for Turkey to remove the "casus belli" threat (i.e. the "cause of war" threat) against Greece in order to be included in the EU's SAFE* program (* SAFE - Security Action for Europe).

The US-Britain "tug of war"

The Typhoon agreement illuminates a new reality or, more precisely, the study of the relationship between Washington and London, and the pursuit of their common geopolitical goals.

Washington remains cold towards Ankara due to the Russian S-400 missiles it refuses to part with and Erdogan's (very positive) line towards Moscow, while London is investing in being "the bridge" - offering weapons, technology and even the ridiculous political recognition of Turkey by Britain as an "ally" that is fully inline with the interests of NATO, and the west in general.

For its part, Ankara is taking full advantage of the complexities of the US-Britain tug-of-war, repositioning its relationship with NATO not as an equal "ally" interested in the shared security objectives of the organization, but as a rogue member state that gave itself the unilateral right of "multidimensional cooperation."

Turkey's purchase of the Typhoons, in this context, is less a military contract and more a Turkish declaration of geopolitical autonomy, something that should worry Washington.

The Greek reading of the agreement

For Athens, the Turkish-British agreement confirms that Turkey will go to great lengths to not be left without the alternatives, even if it means putting the entire region at risk. The Western market – and especially the European one – remains open to a Turkey that manipulates and skillfully plays the card of its geopolitical size and weight in a region (and era) where rapid changes are taking place.

This means that Greece must see its arms policy not as a numbers race, but as an investment in strategic depth, technological superiority and diplomatic credibility. Above all, perhaps, it will need a very clear, cross-party agreed-upon strategy for the country's foreign policy - something that successive Greek governments have struggled with since the country gained its independence two centuries ago. 

Ultimately, the "balance of power" will not be judged by who has more fighters, but by who integrates their air (and overall) power into a stable framework of alliances, exercises, and political consistency.

Turkey is trying to achieve this through "flexibility" and ensuring relative autonomy. For its part, Greece seems to have lost this margin (of autonomous political choices) and therefore appears to be an overly willing and obedient ally. But is this enough to ensure the country's sovereignty?