The President of Cyprus, Nikos Christodoulides, and the Turkish Cypriot leader, Tufan Erhürman, met today on 9 September 2026, hosted by the United Nations Good Offices Mission in Cyprus.

The meeting took place ahead of the leaders’ expected travel to New York, where they are due to hold separate meetings with United Nations officials on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly high-level week.

The United Nations Good Offices Mission in Cyprus supports the work of the Secretary-General and his Personal Envoy in the peace process and facilitates the 13 Technical Committees, helping sustain dialogue, build trust and address issues of importance across the island. It is recalled that during his July 2026 visit to the island, the Secretary-General said he would convene another 5+1 meeting in a broader format “after adequate preparations on confidence building, methodology and substance, taking into account the convergences already achieved” adding that the United Nations would work with the two sides and the guarantors and engagement would continue.

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GOMCY

Prime Minister Mitsotakis: A shared vision for stability and prosperity

Speaking during the joint statements made by the leaders of Greece, Cyprus and Egypt following their informal trilateral summit, Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis pointed out that they held extensive discussions on all major regional challenges. This, he said, proved that this cooperation served as a positive paradigm for stability and security - a path of understanding that always advances a positive agenda and is directed against no country whatsoever.

​"Regarding Gaza, we reiterated our support for a just peace, consistently based on the two-state solution," he noted, highlighting the need for humanitarian aid to arrive unhindered and for Hamas to be disarmed.

"We must curb illegal migrant flows from eastern Libya to Greece, and I would like to congratulate President El-Sisi on the determination shown by Egypt, in managing and tackling the problem of illegal migration," Mitsotakis stated, referring to Egyptian leader Abdel Fattah El-Sisi.

​Concerning the Cyprus issue, he stated that he reiterated his solidarity regarding the prospect of a fair and viable settlement within the framework of the United Nations and in accordance with Security Council resolutions. "This would constitute a significant contribution to peace and stability throughout the Eastern Mediterranean. We support efforts for the resumption of talks," he underlined.

Regarding freedom of navigation, Mitsotakis stressed that it is a matter of global importance. "A global maritime power, such as Greece, places this issue at absolute priority. The Greek presidency of the Security Council is planning new initiatives," he added. As the Greek Prime Minister also emphasised, "We are united by our commitment to international law, specifically the Law of the Sea, having proved in practice that the delimitation of maritime zones can be achieved through dialogue," referring to the partial agreement with Egypt, "which demonstrated that when there is political will and a commitment to international legality, we can achieve mutually beneficial convergences while simultaneously enhancing stability in the region."

"This has been, is, and will continue to be our overall approach both in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Aegean. Greece threatens no one; it seeks stability through functional, good-neighbourly relations, always grounded in international law. However, stability by no means implies yielding or tolerance towards accomplished facts. Consequently, Greece is afraid neither to defend its positions with confidence nor to engage in dialogue. These are the two sides of a responsible foreign policy," the Greek PM declared.

The prime minister referred to the cooperation among the three countries in the fields of energy, connectivity and investments, describing the Greece-Egypt electrical interconnection as a project of strategic significance.

President El-Sisi: Trilateral cooperation enhancing stability region; Egypt-Greece electricity connection 'a true milestone'

The strategic importance of the cooperation between Egypt, Greece and Cyprus for stability and security in the Eastern Mediterranean was underlined by President of the Arab Republic of Egypt Abdel Fattah El-Sisi, following the conclusion of the meeting.

The Egyptian president placed particular emphasis on the energy connection with Greece, cooperation in the natural gas sector, and the coordination of third countries on issues of defence and security. He also described the Trilateral mechanism as a model of strategic regional cooperation, underlining that it is based on mutual respect, mutual benefit and the defence of International Law rules. El-Sisi also referred to the three countries' shared commitment to strengthening stability in the region, but stressed that security should be based on respect for countries' sovereignty and of International Law.

On energy cooperation specifically, the Egyptian president said it was at the forefront of the Trilateral relationship. Egypt, he said, placed great significance in the promotion of power connectivity works, especially that of Egypt and Greece, which he described as "a true milestone" in advancing regional energy integration. He also referred to plans for the transfer of Cypriot natural gas to Egyptian infrastructure and then to its re-export to European countries.

El-Sisi also made a particular note of the Trilateral scheme's defence aspect, as cooperation between the three countries included coordination in security and defence sectors in order to manage challenges in the region. In addition, the three countries reviewed ways of further boosting political coordination and economic cooperation, as well as new investment capabilities in Egypt in the sectors of technology, infomatics, tourism, industry, health, education, construction and infrastructure.

Commenting on developments in Gaza, he expressed Cairo's opposition to any effort to "displace Palestinians" or "change the demographic composition of Palestinian lands." He called for the full implementation of the Sharm el-Sheikh ceasefire agreement and for the unhindered access of humanitarian aid. El-Sisi also reiterated Egypt’s position in favour of an independent Palestinian state within the borders of June 4, 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital.

On other issues, El-Sisi stressed the importance of a Libyan-led political process that would lead to the holding of elections, while calling for the withdrawal of all foreign forces, foreign fighters and mercenaries from the country. Regarding Syria, he highlighted the convergence of the positions of Egypt, Greece and Cyprus in favour of preserving the country’s unity and territorial integrity and opposing any attempt to partition it.

The three leaders also exchanged views on developments in Sudan and the Horn of Africa, with El-Sisi reiterating Cairo’s overall position in favour of de-escalation and the pursuit of political solutions to the crises affecting the wider region.

President Christodoulides: We have built a stable framework that continues to grow stronger

President of the Republic of Cyprus Nikos Christodoulides stressed that since 2014 they had built a stable framework that has continued to strengthen.

"It now has strategic depth and is based on a positive approach: stability, security, connectivity and cooperation," he said. The Cypriot president stressed that cooperation between the three countries was deepening and expanding at many levels.

"We had the opportunity to exchange views on the latest developments in the region. Our countries are seeking a peaceful and stable Eastern Mediterranean and wider Middle East, characterised by good-neighbourly relations and respect for international law," he underlined.

Christodoulides said that the Joint Declaration adopted during the trilateral meeting underscored these objectives. Regarding the Palestinian issue, he said they had reaffirmed their longstanding position in favour of a two-state solution. With regard to Gaza, he stressed that Egypt was playing a pivotal role, while Cyprus was stepping up humanitarian assistance. As for Lebanon, he said that support for the country from the three leaders remained strong.

"Cyprus, Greece and Egypt consider freedom of navigation to be a priority, in accordance with international law. Egypt is a key pillar of security and stability in the wider region. Egypt's security and stability are inextricably linked to the stability and security of all the states in the region and, of course, of Europe. We are working towards further EU support for the country. Egypt's strategic importance is understood in Brussels. We welcome the release of the next tranche of financial assistance to Egypt," he continued.

The president of the Republic of Cyprus described President El-Sisi's participation in the first informal summit, held in Nicosia, as historic. "Let me conclude by thanking Egypt for its steadfast and longstanding support for efforts to reunify our homeland on the basis of United Nations resolutions," Christodoulides said in closing.

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​ANAMPA

A meeting held last Friday, September 4, 2026, at the Embassy of the Hellenic Republic in Tirana drew unusual attention, bringing together four of the most prominent political and institutional figures involved in representing Albania’s Greek National Minority. Vasilis Kagios, president of DEEEM–OMONOIA; Vangelis Doules, president of KEAD; Lefteris Nikas, president of MEGA; and Fredi Beleris, a member of the European Parliament, met to discuss a wide range of issues affecting the minority community.

The sight of the four men seated at the same table carried weight well beyond diplomatic protocol. The Greek minority in Albania is confronting a series of long‑standing and increasingly complex challenges, from property disputes and political representation to education, language rights and the preservation of historic Greek communities. With Albania moving along its path toward European integration, questions surrounding minority protection have taken on added significance.

For years, representation of the Greek community has been marked by divergent political strategies and competing priorities, producing a fragmented landscape. The gathering in Tirana suggested a possible shift. It brought together different strands of the organized Greek presence in Albania, alongside the minority’s voice in the European Parliament, signalling at least a tentative willingness to explore common ground.

Beleris’s participation underscored the European dimension of the discussion. Issues affecting the Greek minority are no longer confined to bilateral relations between Athens and Tirana. Albania’s EU aspirations create an additional institutional arena in which concerns about minority rights, the rule of law and adherence to European standards can be raised.

The stakes are particularly high in regions where demographic decline, migration and the erosion of historic Greek communities have accelerated. For many within the minority, the question is: how to ensure the political, social and cultural continuity of Greek life in its traditional heartlands over the coming decades.

The meeting in Tirana does not resolve those questions, but it signals that the need for coordination and a shared approach has returned to the fore. Whether Friday’s discussion marks the beginning of a sustained political effort—or remains a symbolic moment—will depend on what happens next.

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HCRI

In a statement issued to the newspaper To Vima tis Kyriakis, Nikos Dendias, Minister of National Defence of the Hellenic Republic, declared the following:

"The ​“Achilles Shield” is a key pillar of the Armed Forces reform and a necessary response to the geopolitical and technological challenges of our era. It forms part of the “Agenda 2030” reform, through which our Homeland enters a new reality — a new conception of Defence and Deterrence.

The name “Achilles Shield” is not accidental. The shield of the Homeric hero consisted of five successive layers. In the same spirit, the modern Greek “Shield” establishes a multi‑layered architecture for the protection of Greek territory, comprising five levels: sea, land, air, cyberspace, and outer space.

The “Achilles Shield” marks the transition from a collection of weapon systems to a holistic deterrence system. Ships, aircraft, land assets, autonomous systems, new satellites — in essence, every platform equipped with sensors — are integrated into a unified, network‑centric architecture.

At the foundation of this architecture lies a unified Command & Control system, which prioritizes threats, evaluates them, and proposes the optimal response, transforming information into operational capability. With the development of the
“Achilles Shield,” the Fleet’s new ships and the 4.5‑ and 5th‑generation aircraft will no longer be confined to the narrow defence of the Aegean. They will be able to assume a broader deterrent role.

The satellite dimension is also incorporated into the same architecture. The establishment in Greece of one of the two hubs of the European secure governmental satellite communications program, GOVSATCOM, highlights our country’s geopolitical and strategic role as a pillar of security and stability within the European Union. Greece has acquired a fleet of microsatellites and is preparing for its first major geostationary satellite.

Satellite communications constitute an additional layer of the “Achilles Shield.” They represent the extension of our holistic approach into the space domain, which is becoming increasingly important for modern Defence.

At the same time, the “Achilles Shield” is linked to another core choice of “Agenda 2030”: the creation of a modern ecosystem of defence innovation and the strengthening of the Greek defence industry.

A key requirement is the participation of the Greek defence industry at a rate of at least 25% in all armament programs. Particular emphasis is placed on the substantial transfer of know‑how and production into the Greek defence ecosystem, as well as access to the source code of these systems.

The objective is clear: Greece must not remain a passive buyer and user of defence systems. It must participate actively in their design, production, and evolution, reinforcing domestic expertise.

The “Achilles Shield” is a new, holistic approach to the use of weapon systems. It reflects the new reality of “Agenda 2030” and a different conception of our nation’s Defence."


//


Δήλωση του Υπουργού Εθνικής Άμυνας Νίκου Δένδια για την «Ασπίδα του Αχιλλέα»

Σε δήλωση που εκδόθηκε στην εφημερίδα Το Βήμα της Κυριακής, ο Υπουργός Εθνικής Άμυνας της Ελληνικής Δημοκρατίας, Νίκος Δένδιας, ανέφερε τα εξής:

«Η “Ασπίδα του Αχιλλέα” είναι ένας σημαντικός κρίκος της μεταρρύθμισης των Ενόπλων Δυνάμεων και μια επιβεβλημένη απάντηση στις γεωπολιτικές και τεχνολογικές προκλήσεις της εποχής μας. Εντάσσεται στη μεταρρύθμιση «Ατζέντα 2030», με την οποία η Πατρίδα μας περνά σε μια νέα πραγματικότητα. Σε μια νέα αντίληψη για την Άμυνα και την Αποτροπή.

Η ονομασία “Ασπίδα του Αχιλλέα” δεν έχει επιλεγεί τυχαία. Η ασπίδα του ομηρικού ήρωα είχε πέντε επάλληλα στρώματα. Με την ίδια λογική, η σύγχρονη ελληνική «Ασπίδα» συγκροτεί μια πολυεπίπεδη αρχιτεκτονική προστασίας της ελληνικής επικράτειας και περιλαμβάνει πέντε επίπεδα. Στη θάλασσα, τη στεριά, τον αέρα, τον κυβερνοχώρο, το διάστημα.

Η “Ασπίδα του Αχιλλέα” σηματοδοτεί τη μετάβαση από ένα άθροισμα οπλικών συστημάτων σε ένα ολιστικό σύστημα αποτροπής. Τα πλοία, τα αεροσκάφη, τα χερσαία μέσα, τα αυτόνομα συστήματα, οι νέοι δορυφόροι, και γενικότερα, κάθε πλατφόρμα που διαθέτει αισθητήρες, εντάσσονται σε μια ενιαία δικτυοκεντρική αρχιτεκτονική.

Στη βάση αυτής της αρχιτεκτονικής βρίσκεται ένα ενοποιημένο σύστημα Διοίκησης και Ελέγχου (Command & Control), το οποίο προτεραιοποιεί την απειλή, την αξιολογεί και προτείνει τον βέλτιστο τρόπο αντιμετώπισης, μετατρέποντας την πληροφορία σε επιχειρησιακή δυνατότητα. Με την ανάπτυξη της “Ασπίδας του Αχιλλέα”, τα νέα πλοία του Στόλου και τα αεροσκάφη 4,5 και 5ης γενιάς δε θα περιορίζονται στη στενή άμυνα του Αιγαίου. Θα μπορούν να αναλάβουν έναν ευρύτερο αποτρεπτικό ρόλο.

Στην ίδια αρχιτεκτονική εντάσσεται και η δορυφορική διάσταση. Η εγκατάσταση στην Ελλάδα ενός από τους δύο κόμβους του ευρωπαϊκού προγράμματος ασφαλών κυβερνητικών δορυφορικών επικοινωνιών GOVSATCOM αναδεικνύει τον γεωπολιτικό και στρατηγικό ρόλο της χώρας μας ως πυλώνα ασφάλειας και σταθερότητας της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Η Ελλάδα έχει αποκτήσει στόλο μικροδορυφόρων και προετοιμάζεται για τον πρώτο μεγάλο γεωστατικό δορυφόρο της.

Οι δορυφορικές επικοινωνίες αποτελούν επιπλέον διάσταση της “Ασπίδας του Αχιλλέα”. Πρόκειται για την επέκταση της ολιστικής μας προσέγγισης και στο διαστημικό πεδίο, το οποίο αποκτά ολοένα και μεγαλύτερη σημασία για τη σύγχρονη Άμυνα.

Παράλληλα, η “Ασπίδα του Αχιλλέα” συνδέεται με μία ακόμη βασική επιλογή της «Ατζέντας 2030»: τη δημιουργία ενός σύγχρονου οικοσυστήματος αμυντικής καινοτομίας και την ενίσχυση της ελληνικής αμυντικής βιομηχανίας.

Προϋπόθεση είναι η συμμετοχή της ελληνικής αμυντικής βιομηχανίας σε ποσοστό τουλάχιστον 25% σε όλα τα εξοπλιστικά προγράμματα. Ιδιαίτερη βαρύτητα αποδίδουμε στην ουσιαστική μεταφορά τεχνογνωσίας και παραγωγής στο ελληνικό αμυντικό οικοσύστημα, καθώς και στην πρόσβαση στον πηγαίο κώδικα των συστημάτων αυτών.

Ο στόχος είναι σαφής: η Ελλάδα να μην παραμένει παθητικός αγοραστής και χρήστης αμυντικών συστημάτων. Να συμμετέχει ενεργά στον σχεδιασμό, στην παραγωγή και στην εξέλιξη αυτών, ενισχύοντας την εγχώρια τεχνογνωσία.

Η “Ασπίδα του Αχιλλέα” είναι μια νέα προσέγγιση χρήσης των οπλικών συστημάτων, με ολιστική διάσταση. Αποτυπώνει τη νέα πραγματικότητα της «Ατζέντας 2030» και μια διαφορετική αντίληψη για την Άμυνα της χώρας».​

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​MINNATDEF;

​​
​By the Hellenic Canadian Research Institute

​Turkey’s announcement on August 15, 2026, of two new "national marine parks" in the northeastern Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean has been presented as an environmental milestone. But anyone who has watched Ankara’s behaviour in the region over the past decades will recognize the pattern immediately. This is not a marine‑protection initiative. It is a jurisdictional manoeuver — a strategic move dressed up in the language of conservation.

The details matter. One of the declared parks stretches from Tekirdağ toward the maritime space between the Greek islands of Samothrace and Lemnos. The other extends from Fethiye and Kaş toward the waters surrounding Kastellorizo, a small Greek island that has become a recurring target of Turkish revisionist claims. These zones reach well beyond Turkey’s territorial waters. They overlap with high‑seas areas and parts of the Greek continental shelf.

Under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), no state can unilaterally impose national jurisdiction on international waters or on another country’s continental shelf. Greece’s Foreign Ministry responded accordingly, stating that the decrees "produce absolutely no legal effect." That assessment is not rhetorical. It is simply what the law says.

But the legal dimension is only half the story. The strategic intent is the other half, and it is impossible to ignore.

Turkey is not a party to UNCLOS and has spent years advancing the "Blue Homeland" doctrine, a maximalist maritime vision that seeks to shrink the maritime zones generated by Greece's islands (as well as the Republic of Cyprus) and expand Turkish influence across the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean. The placement of these parks is entirely consistent with that doctrine. Kastellorizo has long been a focal point of Ankara’s challenges, and the waters between Lemnos and Samothrace have been contested by successive Turkish governments since the 1970s. These are not environmentally significant areas chosen for ecological reasons. They are politically significant areas chosen for strategic ones.

The risk here is not abstract. If unilateral environmental designations begin functioning as de facto territorial claims, the precedent erodes the foundations of maritime governance. It weakens the credibility of international law, undermines cooperative environmental protection, and rewards states that attempt to bypass legal processes through administrative manoeuvers. Marine conservation should be a domain of science‑based collaboration, not a convenient wrapper for jurisdictional expansion.

It is worth noting that Greece’s own marine parks — established in the Ionian and Aegean Seas — remain fully within Greek territorial waters. That is not a trivial distinction. It reflects a basic principle: environmental stewardship must operate within lawful boundaries, not attempt to redraw them.

Turkey’s move also carries major consequences as it injects tension into an already sensitive region, complicates NATO cohesion, and undermines efforts to stabilize Greek‑Turkish relations. At a moment when regional security requires predictability, Ankara’s unilateralism introduces uncertainty and avoidable friction. The use of environmental policy as a geopolitical instrument is not merely provocative, it is destabilizing.

Greece is entering a new phase in its long and complicated relationship with Turkey, one defined less by the “calm waters” of recent years and more by a deliberate effort to project confidence, military readiness and diplomatic reach. In an interview with the Greek newspaper To Vima Tis Kyriakis, Foreign Minister Giorgos Gerapetritis said the period of reduced tensions was never meant to be permanent. Instead, it served as a strategic pause that allowed Athens to rebuild its capabilities and reposition itself in a volatile region.

“Calm waters are not an end in themselves,” he told To Vima. “They are a means to serve our national objectives.”

According to Gerapetritis, the de‑escalation period produced measurable gains. Airspace violations dropped, migration flows stabilized and the islands of the Eastern Aegean saw economic relief. More importantly, he argues, Greece used the time to strengthen its alliances and modernize its armed forces—steps he believes now place the country “at the height of its international influence.”

A Defence Posture Rebuilt

Greece’s military, weakened during the Greek financial crisis of 2009-2018, has undergone a significant overhaul. The country has acquired Rafale fighter jets, upgraded its fleet of F‑16s, commissioned new Belharra frigates and is preparing for the arrival of F‑35 aircraft. Gerapetritis says these investments have shifted the balance in the Aegean. “Our forces are now in a position of superiority in air and sea,” he said.

The modernization is meant to deter unilateral actions by Turkey, which has expanded its defence industry and maintains military footprints in Libya and Syria. Ankara’s regional ambitions, including its promotion of the “Blue Homeland” doctrine, continue to shape the strategic environment.

The Athens Declaration Under Strain

The Athens Declaration, launched in 2023 to stabilize relations with Turkey through a structured three‑pillar dialogue, is now under pressure. Ankara’s recent moves—including new maritime claims and the announcement of two “environmental parks” extending into waters Greece considers part of its continental shelf—have raised questions about the viability of the framework.

Gerapetritis rejects the idea that the declaration is defunct. “In a volatile international environment, it is important to have a clear framework for peaceful resolution,” he said. He noted that the declaration marked the first time Turkey explicitly accepted globally recognized principles of international law.

Still, he was unequivocal about the new Turkish maritime parks initiative. The parks, he said, are “illegal” and “produce no legal effect,” adding that the decrees establishing them contain “only coordinates, not environmental protections.” Any attempt to infringe on Greek sovereign rights, he warned, would be met “with every appropriate means.”

Greece’s Maritime Strategy

Athens has advanced its own maritime agenda, completing its first comprehensive Maritime Spatial Plan and designating two new National Marine Parks in the Aegean and Ionian Seas. These initiatives impose environmental restrictions on navigation and fishing, but they also serve a strategic purpose: documenting Greece’s maritime zones in a manner consistent with international law.

Critics argue that Greece limited itself to six nautical miles while Turkey extended its claims into international waters. Gerapetritis dismissed the comparison. “International law is not applied à la carte,” he said, framing Greece’s adherence to the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) as a long‑term investment in legal credibility.

Strategic Partnerships Beyond the Aegean

Greece has deepened ties with Israel, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states, while maintaining strong relations with the United States and France. Gerapetritis described Greece as a net provider of regional security, pointing to its leadership roles in EU naval missions in the Red Sea and Central Mediterranean.

He also highlighted the Greece‑Cyprus electricity interconnection project, recently strengthened by French investor Meridiam, as evidence of growing European involvement in Eastern Mediterranean energy infrastructure.

A More Confident Greece

Gerapetritis insists that Greece’s foreign policy is sovereign and proactive. “The era of passive diplomatic inertia is over,” he said. “It has been replaced by an era of confidence and initiative.” As tensions with Turkey re‑emerge, Greece appears determined to anchor its strategy in international law, strengthened alliances and a modernized defence posture—while keeping diplomatic channels open, but firmly structured.

To read the full interview in Greek, click here.

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HCRI w/ notes from the CFR; MFAHR; NORDMON; IRIS; EKATH; PMHR; FDLMB; UN.

The Municipal Art Gallery of Aegina is presenting the major group ceramics exhibition "CHOMA" (Soil/Earth), (until August 23, 2026) conceived and curated by Iris Kritikou. Τhe exhibition offers a broad survey of the contemporary landscape of Greek ceramic art. The 80 participating artists present works that draw subtle references to primitive vessels, non-figurative prehistoric pottery, ancient votive and utilitarian ceramics, as well as the lustrous surfaces of ceramic vessels from other cultures. Other works engage in aesthetic dialogue with modern Greek art and contemporary international art. Above all, however, the exhibition showcases works distinguished by the originality of their conception and execution, affirming ceramics’ enduring ability to move audiences and to stand as a major art form—one with deep historical roots, rich modern traditions, and limitless potential for innovation and artistic expression.

(Upper photo: Aegina: https://www.discovergreece.com/attica/aegina)
(Lower photo: ceramic work by Nikos Ghikas)

SPETSES

The Anargyros Art Residency on Spetses has quickly established itself as one of Greece’s most inspiring artist residency programmes. Set within the historic grounds of the Anargyrios and Korgialenios School of Spetses (AKSS), a former boarding school overlooking the sea, it offers artists a unique environment in which to live, create and exchange ideas. Under the artistic direction of Eva Vaslamatzi and the coordination of Simoni Niarou, the residency fosters dialogue among participants and the local community. This year’s edition, centred on the theme of animism, transforms the school’s remarkable setting into a vibrant space where history, nature and contemporary artistic practice converge. The contemporary art exhibition "Insular Animisms" (until August 30, 2026) at the AKSS is the outcome of the Anargyros Art Residency. The exhibition features works by six international artists working across visual arts, film, dance, and music in Building A of the School.

(Upper photo: Spetses: https://www.discovergreece.com/attica/spetses)
(Lower photo left: Exhibition showcasing works by four photographers, "Photo Capsule")
(Lower photo right: Nona Inescu, "Things not generally known")

SKIATHOS

​The recently restored Monastery of Panagia Eikonistria on Skiathos is hosting the group exhibition "In the Shadow of the Pines", curated by archaeologist and art historian Iris Kritikou (until November 9, 2026). The exhibition’s title is drawn from a recurring literary motif and symbolic landscape in the work of Alexandros Papadiamantis, Skiathos' celebrated novelist and one of Greece’s greatest writers. Papadiamantis’s writing is deeply intertwined with the island’s natural world, evoking the fragrance, atmosphere, and spiritual serenity of its pine forests through an early, remarkably holistic ecological vision that approaches the sublime. Through their works, the participating artists pay tribute to Skiathos, creating a visual psychogeography of the island that resonates profoundly within the monastery’s evocative setting.

(Upper photo: Skiathos: https://www.discovergreece.com/thessaly-sporades/skiathos)
(Lower photo: Art piece by Iliana Paloglou)

IOS

The group exhibition ΓΑΙΑ/GAIA at the Gaïtis–Simossi Museum on Ios (August 1- October 19, 2026) explores the concept of the Earth as a mythological, natural and cultural entity. It develops two parallel narratives that intersect at a common point of reflection: humanity’s relationship with the natural world and the consequences of the ever-increasing disruption of that relationship. The choice of a Cycladic island – and specifically Ios – as the venue for this exhibition lends an additional layer of meaning to it. The Cyclades form a landscape where the presence of the Earth is instantly felt through the geomorphology, rock formations, intense light, and constant interplay between land and sea. From the prehistoric civilizations of the Aegean to the present day, the islands have fostered a unique relationship between humans and the natural environment, a relationship linked to memory, survival, creation and transformation. In the Cyclades, Gaia is not merely a mythological figure but, rather, a lived reality inscribed in the landscape itself and in the cultural identity of the land.

(Upper photo: Chora, Ios: https://www.discovergreece.com/cyclades/ios)​
(Lower photo: Nikos Tranos, from the installation Terrain (Horse Bit – Bridle), 2015–2026)

SANTORINI

The Tomato Industrial Museum "D. Nomikos" on Santorini, co-organises with the Theran Society of Arts and Sciences and in collaboration with the Cycladic Identity Initiative of the Museum of Cycladic Art, the exhibition "INDUSTRIANA: The industrial heritage of Santorini and Therasia" (until October 31, 2026). Through raw materials, production facilities, industrial machinery and personal testimonies, the exhibition explores the artisanal, pre-industrial and industrial history of Santorini and Therasia. The museum narrative is supported by historical records, preserved artefacts, contemporary documentation and interviews with former workers. The initiative was born out of the organisers' commitment to preserving the memories of the region’s inactive industrial heritage before they are lost.

(Upper photo: Fyra, Santorini: https://www.discovergreece.com/cyclades/santorini)

And after immersing yourself in the world of art, take a dip in the crystal-clear waters of the idyllic beaches of the Greek islands

​The Digital Management of the Archive of the Hellenic Institute for Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Studies of Venice has recently been completed and is already operating through the digital infrastructure of the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, making it accessible to a global audience. It offers free access to an invaluable treasury of materials—including registers, documents, heirlooms, icons, works of art, miniatures, manuscripts, and early printed books—and sheds light on the historical trajectory of the Greek diaspora from the 15th to the 20th century.

​As was emphasized during the events held following the completion of the project, the Archive of the Greek Community, and later the Archive of the Hellenic Institute of Venice, constitutes one of the most valuable cultural assets to have been digitized in recent years. The archival holdings date from 1498 to 1954 and document the history of the Greek Brotherhood in the city of the lagoons, as well as that of the broader Greek population under Venetian rule. These records, however, are far more than the documentation of routine administrative procedures—they are living history.

Thirteen years after the Fall of Constantinople (1453), the great wave of exodus from the Byzantine capital—a migration that would permanently alter the course of European history—carried thousands of scholars, philosophers, and theologians to the Italian peninsula. They brought with them precious ancient Greek manuscripts in what may be regarded as the first great “brain drain” to the West. They were followed by heirs of the Byzantine Empire, architects and mosaic artists, painters, craftsmen, aristocrats, members of the imperial court, descendants of noble families, former soldiers, and many others. Venice became their principal destination, owing both to its extensive maritime trade network and to the presence of an already established Greek confraternity. This community would soon develop into one of the most important strongholds of the Greek diaspora and the foremost center of Hellenism in Italy before the Greek War of Independence of 1821.

The formal establishment of the first Greek Community in Venice in 1498, at a time when approximately 5,000 Greeks lived in the city, and the construction of the Orthodox Church of St. George a few decades later, mark what historians describe as a milestone in the history of Hellenism. It was the first organized Greek community, founded some 333 years before the establishment of the modern Greek state.

The reconstruction of the Church of St. George began in 1536, on land purchased a few years earlier by the Greeks of Venice and was completed in 1577. The work was supervised by the architects Sante Lombardo and Zuanantonio Chiona, while the well-known architect Andrea Palladio was the consultant for the construction of the women’s balcony. The church was decorated with icons brought by refugees from Constantinople, such as the Grand Duchess Anna Paleologina Notara, but also from other regions, with works by important painters such as Michael Damaskinos, Emmanuel Tzanes Bounialis, Thomas Bathas and others. The illustration of the dome was entrusted to John the Cyprian, who worked under the supervision of the remarkable Venetian painter Jacopo Tintoretto.

For five centuries, the Greeks of Venice have maintained a continuous presence, preserving the language, the faith, the educational tradition, and the identity of Hellenism. From the late fifteenth century onward, they played an active role in every major period of the nation’s history. Following the end of the Second World War, the movable and immovable property of the Greek Community, together with its few remaining descendants, was transferred to the Hellenic Institute of Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Studies in Venice. Today, the Institute stands as the historical continuation of that Community, preserving its legacy across both time and place.
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The Institute’s Digital Repository now presents to the world hundreds of its rare printed books, most of them in Greek (148), Italian (123), Latin (105), and French (81). As reported to the Athens-Macedonian News Agency (ANA-MPA), the program coordinator, Professor of the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Christos Arabatzis, stated that a total of 140,000 documented records are now accessible in high resolution and with thorough documentation to every student, specialized researcher, and interested citizen. This includes approximately 1,000,000 digital images, 10,000 items of images and ecclesiastical artifacts, 1,000 rare printed books, and 47 valuable Byzantine manuscripts. An important aspect of the program was the development of applications with a clear educational orientation. "Students and university learners no longer study copies or editions—they work essentially with the original sources themselves, in their physical form and chronological sequence." He added that "the completion of the project represents an important step in linking Greek cultural institutions with corresponding European programs that are gradually being integrated into Europeana."
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​"The Digital Management of the Venetian Archive is a project of exceptional scholarly and national importance," Professor Stratos Stylianidis, former Vice Rector of the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, told the Athens-Macedonian News Agency (ANA-MPA). "It brings to light," he added, "through the use of advanced digital technologies, an invaluable archival heritage of Hellenism. It constitutes a unique testament to the historical memory, intellectual continuity, and cultural presence of the Greeks within the European world." According to Professor Stylianidis, a faculty member of the Faculty of Engineering at the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki and Vice President of the International Scientific Committee for Heritage Documentation (CIPA – Heritage Documentation), the digital management, documentation, and dissemination of the archive "are far more than a technological intervention. They represent an act of safeguarding our collective memory and an investment in future research, education, and the dissemination of cultural heritage."

​Occupying a place of distinction in the new digital portal—as in the cultural heritage of the Greek Community as a whole—is the Alexander Romance, the celebrated and uniquely illustrated fourteenth-century Byzantine manuscript by Michael Damaskinos, Theodoros Poulakis, and the Cretan School (Codex 5, Narrative of Alexander, Pseudo-Callisthenes). The manuscript contains 250 remarkable miniatures embellished with gold leaf, depicting—and imaginatively narrating—the life and legendary exploits of Alexander the Great. Comprising 193 parchment folios bound into twenty-three quires (measuring approximately 32 × 24 cm), the codex recounts the principal events of Alexander’s life. He is portrayed not merely as the ancient Macedonian king but as a Byzantine emperor and protector, embodying the cultural legacy of Hellenism while leading campaigns beyond the boundaries of his empire as both a military leader and a just ruler. The Alexander Romance is a work of imaginative literature that achieved worldwide renown and has been translated into eleven languages. The manuscript’s extraordinary illustrations vividly portray Alexander’s birth and upbringing, his military campaigns, battles, sieges, encounters with foreign rulers, and his death. It is also presented on the digital platform through an interactive application. The Institute also preserves a further forty-seven manuscript books, forty of them in Greek, all of which have now been digitized in their entirety.
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At the top of the digitized and documented images and artifacts are the works of Michael Damaskinos, the distinguished Cretan painter of the 16th century, who managed to ideally combine the strict Byzantine tradition (maniera greca) with the innovations of the Italian Renaissance and the Venetian School (maniera latina) during the period he lived in Venice. The digital archive also presents the entire collection of Orthodox art inherited by the Institute from the Greek Community. This includes masterpieces of Byzantine iconography, such as the icons brought from Constantinople in the 15th century by Anna Palaiologina Notaras, as well as dozens of works by well-known painters: Georgios Klontzas, Emmanuel Lambardos, Victor (painter), Franghias Kavertzas, Theodoros Poulakis, Ioannis Moskos, and Emmanuel Tzanes and Konstantinos Tzanes, among others. This collection allows every visitor to follow the evolution of Cretan painting from the 15th to the 17th century and to be taken on a journey from Byzantium to Crete and Corfu during those centuries. Also available on the same website are impressive icons by unknown artists, such as The Descent into Hades (late 14th  century, unknown Constantinopolitan painter), The Dormition of the Virgin (second half of the 15th century, unknown painter from a Cretan workshop), and The Ascension (second half of the 15th century, unknown painter from Candia).
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GNA; AMNA; YT:ARL

​A new chapter in the development of European cybersecurity policy has begun with the official establishment of the Cybersecurity Skills Coalition European Digital Infrastructure Consortium (CSC-EDIC). Announced in Brussels by Executive Vice-President for Tech Sovereignty, Security and Democracy Henna Virkkunen during the Digital Skills EU Days 2026, the CSC-EDIC will have its seat in Athens, with Greece, Cyprus, Austria, Croatia and Slovenia coming together as founding members. Czechia and Poland have joined as observers. Other Member States will be able to join at any time under fair and reasonable terms. The consortium aims to become the European Union’s primary mechanism for developing a highly skilled cybersecurity workforce across all Member States.

Greece’s active participation in shaping this new European initiative is particularly significant. According to the National Cybersecurity Authority, Greece is among the founding Member States of CSC-EDIC and participated in every stage of its preparation—from designing the institutional framework to developing the consortium’s strategic direction. The Greek authority also played a coordinating role during the preparatory phase, contributing to the design and architecture of this new European initiative.

​The National Cybersecurity Authority (NCSA) of Greece aims to organize, coordinate and implement a comprehensive framework of strategies, measures and actions for achieving and maintaining a high level of prevention, protection, deterrence, response and recovery from cyberattacks. To fulfill its purpose, the Authority develops comprehensive cybersecurity policies framework and draws the National Cybersecurity Strategy (NCSS) through which the strategic objectives, the priorities and the cybersecurity governance framework are defined. At the national level, NCSA is the leading authority in the cybersecurity domain implementing a whole of government approach. The Authority is responsible for issuing mandatory cybersecurity requirements for essential and important entities, as well as guidance of implementation and it is the competent authority to monitor compliance with the cybersecurity legislation. It fosters cooperation and coordination between governmental agencies and between the public and private sector. The Authority cooperates with EU agencies, other member states’ entities and communicates and exchanges expertise with international bodies and organizations as well as allied countries.

Addressing the Cybersecurity Skills Gap

The creation of CSC-EDIC is intended to tackle one of the European Union’s most pressing challenges: the growing shortage of qualified cybersecurity professionals. As cyberattacks become increasingly sophisticated and digital infrastructure grows ever more critical to the economy, public administration, and defense, developing a highly skilled workforce has emerged as a strategic priority for Europe’s competitiveness and resilience. In this context, the new consortium is expected to serve as the operational arm of the European Cybersecurity Skills Academy, gradually assuming responsibility for key initiatives related to education, reskilling, upskilling, and closer collaboration among governments, universities, businesses, and public-sector organizations. As a European Digital Infrastructure Consortium (EDIC), CSC-EDIC provides a permanent institutional framework for cross-border cooperation, enabling participating countries to jointly develop projects, pool resources, and consolidate expertise at the European level.
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The CSC-EDIC will play a key role in the implementation of the EU’s Cybersecurity Skills Academy, a flagship cybersecurity skills initiative launched by the Commission in 2023. Since launching, the Cybersecurity Skills Academy has resulted in 26 pledges from global industry leaders who have helped to train more than 900,000 cyber professionals, while ten partnerships have been established through the Industry-Academia Network.
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​The Cybersecurity Skills Academy has helped expand the uptake of ENISA’s European Cybersecurity Skills Framework among industry. The European Union Agency for Cybersecurity, ENISA, maintains its official seat in Greece, operating from headquarters in Athens and an office in Heraklion, Crete. Established in 2004, this pivotal institution strengthens Europe’s collective digital resilience against evolving online threats .The agency achieves this by developing standardized cybersecurity certification frameworks for ICT products, analyzing global threat landscapes, and fostering cooperation among member states. Additionally, ENISA coordinates large-scale cyber crisis exercises to prepare nations for emergencies.
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​Greece’s Role

The Greek government believes that participation in CSC-EDIC strengthens the country’s position on the European cybersecurity landscape—not merely as a recipient of European policies but as an active contributor to their design. For Greece, active participation in this new European structure represents both recognition of the expertise it has developed in cybersecurity in recent years and an opportunity to further strengthen its influence on European digital security policy. At a time when protecting critical digital infrastructure has become a matter of strategic importance, developing specialized cybersecurity skills is increasingly recognized as a key driver of Europe’s resilience and global competitiveness.

The Governor of the National Cybersecurity Authority, Michalis Bletsas, described the establishment of the consortium as the culmination of years of collective European effort. He emphasized that developing cybersecurity skills is essential for effectively addressing the constantly evolving cyber threat landscape, adding that investment in education and continuous professional training is a cornerstone of Europe’s digital security strategy.

​Similarly, Ioannis Alexakis, Director General for Strategic Planning at the National Cybersecurity Authority, noted that through CSC-EDIC—and in collaboration with leading Greek universities, including the Athens University of Economics and Business, the University of Piraeus, the University of Macedonia, and the Ionian University—Greece aims to play a leading role in advancing European cybersecurity skills. These efforts will also contribute to establishing the European Cybersecurity Academy, which will be headquartered in Athens.

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​EUCOMM; AMNA; ERT

This year, the Slaughterhouse Project on Hydra by DESTE FOUNDATION feature "Until That Day", an exhibition by Nari Ward (b. 1963, St. Andrew, Jamaica; lives and works in New York), who is renowned for his sculptural installations composed of discarded material found and collected in his neighborhood (until October 31, 2026).  By re-contextualizing these found objects, Ward creates thought-provoking juxtapositions that address social and political issues surrounding race, poverty, and consumer culture.

Visual artist Dimitris Antonitsis has organized the group exhibition "Hydor/Onar (Water of Dreams)" at Hydra School Projects (until September 6, 2026). The exhibition is the second chapter of a trilogy exploring the work of artists whose practices revolve around themes such as water, transformation, memory, and dreamlike states. Set against Hydra’s luminous landscape, it examines the ways in which artistic creation emerges through intuition and instinct rather than certainty. At the heart of this ongoing trilogy is an artistic dialogue between two iconic figures whose lives and work were profoundly shaped by Hydra: Brice Marden and Jannis Kounellis.

Two elements of nature, two opposing worlds, come together to shape the universe of the exhibition "Of Ether and Sea", featuring works by sculptor Venia Dimitrakopoulou, at the Hydra Historical Archive–Museum (until September 14, 2026). Hybrid forms—fragments of creatures that seem to belong simultaneously to the sea and the sky—emerge from the surface of marble in the new works of the acclaimed sculptor.

(Upper photo Hydra: https://www.discovergreece.com/attica/hydra)
(Middle photo left: Installation view, photo by Pinelopi Gerasimou for DESTE).
(Middle photo right: Styliane Philippou’s marble sculpture, photo by Pinelopi Gerasimou for Hydra School Projects)
(Lower photo: Venia Dimitrakopoulou, «Anadyomene»)

RHODES

This summer, the second edition of the Biennale of Contemporary Keramics (BCK) takes place in the Medieval City of Rhodes (until October 31, 2026). Titled "Where the Day Starts", the biennial transforms the island into an international meeting point for contemporary ceramic art. Spread across five landmark historic venues within the Medieval City, this year’s edition brings together 42 artists from 18 countries, presenting a rich spectrum of contemporary practices and artistic approaches. Through its central exhibition and an extensive programme of events, BCK 2026 highlights contemporary ceramics as a dynamic and evolving medium of artistic expression, while also positioning it as a vital vehicle for intercultural dialogue across the Mediterranean.

(Upper photo: Lindos, Rhodes: https://www.discovergreece.com/dodecanese/rhodes)
(Lower photo: Asunción Molinos Gordo, ¡Cuánto río allá arriba!)

LESVOS

K-Gold Temporary Gallery on Lesvos presents the group exhibition "Spectral",  curated by Nikolaos Vamvouklis, and bringing together new and historical works by artists from different disciplines and placing the visual arts in dialogue with photography, dance, and fashion (until September 6, 2026). The exhibition explores how presence and absence can coexist within the same space. It is an attempt to understand these concepts by giving form to what cannot easily be seen or named: the other, the invisible, the unspeakable. And while memory does not retrieve a fixed image but instead often introduces a fracture into what we perceive as familiar, the exhibition approaches this fluid terrain not only as an atmosphere but also as a gesture. At the same time, K-Gold Temporary Gallery presents its annual exhibition "Re-Collection", featuring works from its collection alongside material developed through projects on the island of Lesvos. The selection highlights artistic collaborations that have evolved since the organization’s founding in 2014, proposing new encounters and fresh interpretations.

(Upper photo: Lesvos (Mytilene): https://www.discovergreece.com/north-aegean-islands/lesvos)
(Lower photo: Bas Jan Ader, Please don’t leave me, 1969, House paint, lightbulbs, wire, dimensions variable, Courtesy of Meliksetian | Briggs, Dallas & Los Angeles)

RETHYMNO, CRETE

Visitors to Rethymno, Crete, this summer will have the opportunity to see the retrospective exhibition "The Brittle Trace of Symbols" by Rethymno-born artist Nikos Alexiou (1960–2011) at the Museum of Contemporary Art of Crete (until November 6, 2026). The exhibition aims to illuminate key moments from the celebrated artist's career, whose practice was rooted in memory—from his childhood blanket to Mount Athos, where he spent an extended period of his life. These personal references are interwoven with countless symbolic "roles," while his meticulous attention to detail shapes a body of work in which innocence is constantly shadowed by tragedy. Reeds and twine, or delicate sheets of paper, appear perfectly balanced yet remain vulnerable, as though they could be destroyed by the slightest careless movement. The exhibition is curated by Maria Marangou.

(Upper photo: Rethymno, Crete: https://www.discovergreece.com/crete/rethymno)
(Lower photo: Nikos Alexiou Drawers, photo credit: Popi Alexiou)

CHANIA, CRETE

More than 150 paintings, installations, animations, comics, sculptures, notes, and preparatory sketches by Alexandros Psychoulis are on view in his new exhibition, "Runaway thoughts were my only danger", at the Municipal Art Gallery of Chania (until October 4, 2026). Rather than following the linear narrative of a conventional retrospective, the exhibition highlights the artist's pioneering contribution to contemporary Greek art, shaped by the influence of mass media, commercial television, new technologies, computers, pop culture, music, comics, graphic design, fashion, design, and architecture. At the same time, it brings into focus the defining threads of Psychoulis's practice: the visual language that runs through and unifies his work, and the interplay between handcrafted techniques and technological mediation. The exhibition is curated by Christoforos Marinos.

(Upper photo: The Venetian port of Chania, Crete: https://www.discovergreece.com/crete/chania)
(Lower photo: Alexandros Psychoulis, Meristomatrix, 2011, 70 x 100 cm, ballpoint pen on paper, a.antonopoulou.art)

And after immersing yourself in the world of art, take a dip in the crystal-clear waters of the idyllic beaches of the Greek islands

The AFI Collective brings together seven accomplished artists who, working with a wide range of materials—including paint, brushes, wood, iron, clay, handmade paper, thread, and fabric—and embracing the principles of slow making, translate ideas and traditional craft techniques into a contemporary visual language. Their new exhibition "synAFI" at the historic Bazeos Tower on Naxos (until September 27, 2026) moves beyond a straightforward presentation of artworks, opening instead a meaningful dialogue with the monument’s handcrafted, sculptural architecture. In doing so, it proposes an alternative yet harmonious way of inhabiting the space—one that is both multisensory and multidimensional. The Naxos Festival, in the Bazeos Tower (lower photo right), began in the summer of 2001, as a bold and imaginative idea to transform an exceptional preserved monument, of the 17th century, into the current analogue of the function for which it was built: a temple of art, education and culture.

(Upper photo: Chora, Naxos: https://www.discovergreece.com/cyclades/naxos)
(Lower photo left: work by Inger Carlsson; Lower photo right: The Bazeos Tower)

AMORGOS

​"Mnemosyne" is a curatorial concept unfolding across the island of Amorgos, spanning three distinct locations from north to south through three interconnected exhibitions that invite visitors to journey across the island by way of memory, landscape, and the natural elements (July–August). Each exhibition explores a different facet of the overarching theme and can be experienced independently, while together they form a broader narrative linking water, place, time, and human experience. The journey begins in Aegiali with "Remembrance," continues in Chora with "Whispers of Water," an encounter between painting and ceramics that examines water as a force of transformation, and concludes in Kolofana with "Memory," bringing together artists from a range of disciplines.

(Upper photo: Chora, Amorgos: https://www.discovergreece.com/cyclades/amorgos)

TINOS

The Piraeus Bank Group Cultural Foundation presents the solo exhibition by Argiris Rallias titled "Litany" in the Museum of Marble Crafts in Pyrgos on Tinos (until November 30, 2026). The exhibition, curated by Christoforos Marinos, takes place in a venue dedicated to marble craftsmanship on Tinos and the connection of this precious material to labour, worship, community and everyday life. In Pyrgos, a land with a strong tradition in the art of marble, Rallias’s sculpture meets the long history of local craftsmen, merging technical knowledge with creation. The exhibition’s title alludes to the litany as the movement of a community around something that transcends it. In Rallias’s work, this community includes people, animals, the dead, the relatives, objects and the landscape itself. Each sculpture carries a plea, a loss, a small request for protection (photo lower left).

The Cultural Foundation of Tinos presents this summer the painting exhibition "From Chaos to Cosmos", featuring works by Anna Maria Tsakali and Edouardos Sakayan (photo lower right). Conceived as a creative dialogue between two leading figures of the contemporary Greek art scene, the exhibition brings together their distinct painterly languages to engage with the existential, social, and ecological questions of our time (until August 23, 2026).

(Upper photo: Dovecoats, a feature of the Tinos landscape considered some of the most impressive works of art in the Cyclades: https://www.discovergreece.com/cyclades/tinos)

CHIOS

​The Piraeus Bank Group Cultural Foundation presents the temporary photography exhibition by Giorgos Tatakis titled "Caryatis IV | Chios" in the Chios Mastic Museum (until December 31, 2026). The exhibition includes thirty-six photographs in black and white, selected from numerous images captured by Tatakis on Chios (lower photo George Tatakis, Chios island, Mastichochorea, Olympoi, 2021). They depict women of various generations in landscapes, settlements and historical buildings on the island. Having documented traditional costumes and their variations from twenty-one villages of Chios, Tatakis points out: "In all my travels, I have never encountered another place with such an extraordinary diversity of traditional costumes. Chios, with its exceptional textile production and unparalleled quality of fabrics, combined with the prosperity ensured by commerce, gave rise to this remarkable variety of attire. Villagers in settlements located very close to each other sought to display their wealth by distinguishing themselves from their neighbours, and so, each village developed its own distinctive attire."

(Upper photo: Chios, The Mastic Villages: https://www.discovergreece.com/north-aegean-islands/chios)

SYROS

The Municipality of Syros–Ermoupolis presents the group exhibition of contemporary art "Metoikoi – Transition, Integration, Creation", hosted at the Cyclades Art Gallery from 1 to 30 August 2026. The exhibition brings together works by distinguished Greek visual artists (Daskalakis, Georgiou, Manousakis, Sakayan, Misouras, Giannakaki, Rorris, Filopoulou, Ragkou, Tzamouranis, Lappas, and Samios) and develops a creative artistic dialogue with the history, identity, and cultural heritage of Ermoupolis.  The Cyclades Art Gallery (photo lower right) has been housed since 1994 in four of the former transit warehouses on the northern quay of the port of Syros, in Ermoupolis. The warehouses were built between 1834 and 1839 based on designs by the Bavarian architect Johann Erlacher, who accompanied King Otto, and were among the earliest buildings constructed in Ermoupolis. 2026 is a truly special year as Syros  honor the 200th anniversary of its city’s naming, Ermoupolis. The annual cultural program of the Municipality of Syros-Ermoupolis unfolds before you as a celebration of memory, creativity, and culture (photo lower left). Through a rich program of concerts, theatrical performances, art exhibitions, and activities for all ages, Syros transforms into a meeting point for arts and culture.

(Upper photo: Vaporia District, Ermoupolis, Syros: https://www.discovergreece.com/cyclades/syros)

​And after immersing yourself in the world of art, take a dip in the crystal-clear waters of the idyllic beaches of the Greek islands

Summer in Greece is synonymous with sunshine, the sea, and a vibrant cultural scene. This season, island escapes and visits to historic destinations offer more than breathtaking landscapes: they also provide the opportunity to discover some of the year’s most exciting art exhibitions. From landmark retrospectives of acclaimed artists to innovative group shows in remarkable heritage sites, here is a small selection of exhibitions not to miss during your summer travels through the Greek islands. Take a deep breath—and dream!

ANDROS

The Basil & Elise Goulandris Foundation presents at the Museum of Contemporary Art in Andros a tribute to Germaine Richier (1902-1959), one of the most important figures in 20th century European sculpture, titled “Germaine Richier (1902-1959) – Conversations” (until September 27, 2026). The exhibition retraces the entirety of Richier’s artistic career; despite her premature death at the age of 57, she left behind a remarkably coherent body of work devoted entirely to the exploration of living forms. The exhibition also features a reconstruction of Richier’s studio and highlights her work in printmaking.

(Photo on the left: Chrora, Andros: https://www.discovergreece.com/cyclades/andros)

PAROS

As part of the cultural program of Paros Park, the "Porto Aoussa Art Space" in Naoussa*, Paros, hosts the exhibition “Memories from the Aegean” by internationally renowned photographer Robert A. McCabe (until September 30, 2026). The exhibition features 82 selected photographs, personally chosen by the artist specifically for Paros. Through McCabe’s lens, visitors journey across the Aegean islands from the 1950s to the late 1970s, discovering a Greece that existed before the tourism boom and the arrival of modern transportation. His photographs capture people who are humble yet proud, living and working within an authentic, unpretentious landscape. At the same time, the photographs reveal the innocence of islands such as Paros, Mykonos, and Santorini, long before they evolved into the cosmopolitan destinations they are today.

(Upper photo: Naoussa, Paros: https://www.discovergreece.com/cyclades/paros)
* Note: Naoussa in Paros is also spelled with one "s" as Naousa.

POROS

The Citronne Gallery on Poros island presents two solo exhibitions: “The Game of Emergence” by Aphrodite Liti (lower photo left, until September 13, 2026) and “Traces” by Nikos Podias (lower photo right, until September 30, 2026), the latter organized in collaboration with the Ephorate of Antiquities of Piraeus and the Islands. Aphrodite Liti sets up a sculptural world where sea, memory and myth fuse into a single spatial experience. A contemporary conceptual practice emerges as the artist creates an open field of relations and interactions—between the art and the setting, matter and light, the natural and the artificial, the familiar and the surreal. She employs reflection, scale and transformation to correlate nature, myth and dream. Nikos Podias collects mundane materials and reworks them into precious, almost votive objects. Fragile matter—paper, teabags, tin foil—comes into the Archaeological Museum of Poros to meet the sturdiness of marble, the hardness of metal and the earthly density of clay.

(Upper photo: Poros: https://www.discovergreece.com/attica/poros)

SAMOS

The group exhibition “Fragments and Futures”, presented at Art Space Pythagorion (until October 2, 2026), the exhibition venue of the Schwarz Foundation on Samos, brings together contemporary artists whose work engages with the visual languages, material remains, and mythic narratives of classical archaeology. Through painting, sculpture, installation, performance, and digital media, these artists reconsider how ancient forms and artefacts continue to shape our cultural imagination. The exhibition asks: What does it mean to “unearth” the past today? How do contemporary artists reinterpret the ruins and relics of antiquity in light of present-day questions about identity, heritage, and historical narrative? Rather than treating classical archaeology as a fixed canon of beauty and order, the exhibition foregrounds it as a site of active interpretation. The exhibition is curated by Katerina Gregos and Ioli Tzanetaki.

(Upper photo: Pythagorio, Samos: https://www.discovergreece.com/north-aegean-islands/samos)
(Lower photo: Lucia Tallová, From the series "Unstable Monuments", 2023)

CORFU

​The National Gallery’s Corfu Annex presents the exhibition ”Alekos Fassianos. Under the Summer Sun” (until January 11, 2027). The poetic gaze of Alekos Fassianos unfolds through figures, colours, and moments inspired by everyday life and memory. Bringing together 46 works – including oils, acrylics, and prints – the exhibition offers a representative overview of the artist’s creative journey. The featured pieces are drawn from the collections of the National Gallery, the Alekos Fassianos Museum, and private collections, spanning nearly six decades of his artistic production. Together, they highlight both the consistency and the evolution of Fassianos’s practice, alongside his singular ability to transform life’s “small, ordinary” moments into images full of life and intensity.

​(Upper photo: Corfu: https://www.discovergreece.com/ionian-islands/corfu)
(Lower photo: Alekos Fassianos (1935 – 2022), Set for the Play “Let’s go for a Walk”, Oil on canvas, 300 x 400 cm, National Gallery)

And after immersing yourself in the world of art, take a dip in the crystal-clear waters of the idyllic beaches of the Greek islands

The Greek government has taken a significant step toward advancing a long‑planned electricity interconnection between Greece and Cyprus, signing a series of agreements that bring one of Europe’s largest infrastructure investors into the project. In a ceremony at the Maximos Mansion on August 5, 2026, and in the presence of Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis, French investment group Meridiam formally became the majority shareholder in the Great Sea Interconnector (GSI), the special‑purpose company tasked with developing the subsea link.

The deal marks a turning point for the project, which has been discussed for more than a decade but struggled to secure the capital and technical partnerships needed to move forward. Meridiam’s entry is expected to strengthen the project’s financial base and accelerate its development, offering what the Prime Minister described as a “strong vote of confidence” in Greece’s energy sector and in the strategic value of the interconnection.

A second agreement was signed between the Independent Power Transmission Operator (IPTO), GSI and French cable manufacturer Nexans, covering seabed survey work for the planned route. These surveys represent the first major technical milestone and will determine the precise path of the high‑voltage subsea cable connecting the two countries.

In remarks following the signing, Mr. Mitsotakis framed the development as a milestone not only for Greece and Cyprus but for Europe’s broader energy security. He emphasized that the partnership brings together complementary strengths: IPTO’s experience in delivering complex interconnections—most recently the Athens–Crete link—and Meridiam’s international track record in long‑term infrastructure investment. The combination, he said, creates a “much more credible platform” for the project’s construction and eventual completion.

​Although Meridiam becomes the majority shareholder, IPTO will remain a strategic partner, ensuring continuity and technical oversight. The Prime Minister noted that the strengthened capital base and clearer allocation of responsibilities improve the project’s ability to proceed at pace after months of negotiations aimed at securing international participation.

Beyond its technical and financial dimensions, the Great Sea Interconnector carries geopolitical weight. Cyprus remains the only EU member state without an electricity connection to the continental grid, a vulnerability that limits its ability to integrate renewable energy and exposes it to higher energy costs. The Greece–Cyprus link is expected to end that isolation, support regional grid stability and contribute to Europe’s long‑term energy resilience.

Mr. Mitsotakis also cast the investment as evidence of Greece’s growing ability to attract major international players to strategic infrastructure projects. He described Meridiam as one of Europe’s most prominent investors in the sector and said the timing is right for reinforcing the interconnection with global capital and expertise. Concluding his remarks, he congratulated all parties involved and expressed confidence that the agreements signed in Athens will accelerate the project’s progress.

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HCRI; w/ notes from GNA and AMNA

The Ministry of Digital Governance and Artificial Intelligence has unveiled the key pillars of HELLAS-SPACE 2.0, Greece’s new National Space Program, a €350 million initiative designed to strengthen the country’s security, resilience and technological capabilities.

Implemented by the General Secretariat of Telecommunications and Post, the program is financed through the Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF) – Greece 2.0 and is being delivered in cooperation with the European Space Agency (ESA).

HELLAS-SPACE 2.0 serves as the cornerstone of Greece’s National Space Strategy, bringing together investments in space infrastructure, the development of the domestic space industry, satellite applications and data services, research and innovation, and the cultivation of a highly skilled workforce. The program focuses on the following strategic priorities:

• Deployment of very high-resolution Earth observation satellites to generate advanced geospatial data.
• Development of thermal imaging satellites to support civil protection, environmental monitoring and national security.
• Expansion of secure satellite connectivity and positioning services for critical public and private sector applications.
• Establishment of space surveillance and radio frequency monitoring systems to strengthen national operational capabilities.
• Launch of a space innovation and testing program to accelerate the development of new technologies and applications.
• Development of secure data infrastructure and digital services for use across the public and private sectors.
• Support for the Greek space industry, research community and highly skilled workforce, fostering a stronger and more competitive national space ecosystem.

These initiatives will enable the wider use of space technologies in critical sectors, including civil protection, natural disaster management, environmental monitoring, transport, precision agriculture and public administration. The New National Space Program (HELLAS-SPACE 2.0) aims to:

• Strengthen Greece’s national space infrastructure and enhance the country’s strategic capabilities.
• Develop a competitive and internationally oriented Greek space industry.
• Harness space technologies to address challenges related to environmental protection, civil protection, security and economic development.
• Promote closer collaboration between the public sector, universities, research institutions, industry and international partners.

With a budget of €350 million, the program represents the largest national investment ever made in Greece’s space sector. It aims to position Greece as a strong and trusted partner within the European and global space ecosystem.

_____
MINDGAI

We are writing to formally submit our strong opposition to the proposed Canada-Turkey Free Trade Agreement (FTA) currently under public consultation. We believe that international trade agreements should serve as an extension of Canada's domestic principles and foreign policy commitments. Proceeding with this agreement poses severe risks to our national economic stability, domestic manufacturing sectors, and global standing as a defender of human rights.

Canada must not prioritize short-term commercial gains at the expense of our ethical responsibilities, legal standards, and global humanitarian values. An FTA with Turkey would effectively endorse and economically reward a regime characterized by severe democratic backsliding, international law violations, and systematic domestic repression.

Below, we have meticulously outlined our specific, substantive concerns. These points directly address the critical themes put forward in the government's public consultation framework:

1. Products Originating from the Illegal Turkish Occupation in Northern Cyprus: Any proposed FTA must strictly prohibit the importation of any agricultural products, natural resources, or manufactured goods derived from Turkey’s illegal military occupation of northern Cyprus, including any products that have been integrated into the Turkish supply chain from this region. For over five decades, the Turkish occupational forces have systematically seized Cypriot properties, factories, and agricultural lands. Crucially, these expropriated industries and agricultural sectors are now operated and staffed by tens of thousands of illegal settlers imported from mainland Turkey—a deliberate policy of demographic engineering designed to alter the island's population balance and erase its indigenous character in violation of the Geneva Conventions. Because Canada does not recognize this self-proclaimed entity, allowing goods manufactured, harvested, or processed within these occupied territories to enter the Canadian market under preferential tariffs would violate international law, legitimize forced demographic changes, and make Canada complicit in the economic exploitation of occupied Cypriot territories.
2. Products Originating from the Illegal Turkish Occupation in Northern Syria: Any proposed FTA must strictly prohibit the importation of any agricultural products, natural resources, or manufactured goods derived from Turkey’s illegal military occupation of northern Syria, including any products that have been integrated into the Turkish supply chain from this region. Since 2016, Turkish forces and affiliated militias have systematically seized Syrian properties, factories, and agricultural lands. Most notably, the Turkish military has exploited the region's lucrative olive sector, systematically weaponizing it to meet external market demands alongside other looted industries. Concurrently, Turkey has implemented an aggressive policy of demographic engineering, forcibly replacing the indigenous Kurdish population with non-local Syrian Arab refugees. Allowing goods manufactured, harvested, or processed within these occupied territories to enter the Canadian market under preferential tariffs would violate international law, legitimize forced demographic changes, and make Canada complicit in the economic exploitation of occupied Syrian territories.
3. Complicity in the Ethnic Cleansing of Artsakh: Any proposed FTA must explicitly and unconditionally exclude any weapons, military and non-military components, dual-use technologies, or related machinery in any direct or indirect manner, ensuring that even incidental Canadian components are strictly prohibited from entering the Turkish weapons sector. Canada previously had to suspend and halt drone technology exports to Turkey after the Turkish military illegally diverted Canadian-made drone technology to Azerbaijan during the 2020 Artsakh war. This direct complicity contributed to widespread civilian casualties and laid the groundwork for the ultimate ethnic cleansing and forced displacement of the region's indigenous Armenian population. A trade framework with Turkey must not ignore severe past breaches of end-use assurances that undermine Canada’s arms control integrity, nor must it signal that Canada will prioritize commercial interests over complicity in war crimes.
4. Oppressed Minorities and Underrepresented Groups: The Turkish state actively suppresses ethnic and religious minorities through political disenfranchisement, cultural erasure, and targeted legal persecution. This systemic discrimination directly impacts the Kurdish population, as well as Alevi, Armenian, Greek, Assyrian, Jewish, and Roma communities. Furthermore, women, LGBTQ+, and other marginalized communities face severe socio-economic disparities across the country.
5. Goods of Export/Import Interest and Sensitivities: Flooding the Canadian market with non-tariff Turkish manufacturing and textiles could create unfair competition for Canadian businesses. Turkey's lower production costs—driven by weaker regulatory standards—threaten local jobs and domestic market stability.
6. Regulatory and Safety: Stripping away necessary regulatory alignment and safety standards risks compromising consumer safety. Canada must not weaken its stringent technical, sanitary, and phytosanitary metrics simply to expedite import clearances.
7. Trade in Services: Opening service sectors to a market with heavily state-influenced enterprises threatens the competitive neutrality of Canadian service providers and limits protection for intellectual property.
8. Labour Rights and Cooperation: Strong independent labor unions face heavy restrictions in Turkey. Canada should not reward or economically integrate with a system where worker safety, collective bargaining, and fair wages are routinely undermined.
9. Environmental Protection and Conservation: Turkey has historically faced domestic criticism regarding environmental compliance and carbon output. Liberalizing trade without carbon-border adjustments risks outsourcing Canadian emissions to a less regulated environment, defeating global conservation efforts.
10. Governance, Anti-Corruption, and Human Rights: This is the most critical area of concern. International watchdogs frequently cite Turkey for severe regressions in the rule of law, freedom of speech, judicial independence, and human rights. Deepening economic ties directly undermines Canada’s commitment to a values-based foreign policy.
    
    

Canada's international trade strategy must prioritize partnerships with nations that mirror our domestic and international commitments to human rights, transparent governance, and rigorous environmental laws. Trade agreements are not merely economic instruments; they are powerful reflections of our national character, ethics, and geopolitical alignments. By entering into an agreement with a nation that routinely violates international norms, suppresses minority populations, and breaches critical defense end-use agreements, Canada risks compromising its own moral authority on the global stage.

For these reasons, we strongly urge the Government of Canada to immediately halt all Free Trade Agreement negotiations with Turkey. We must ensure that our economic relationships never come at the expense of justice, the rule of law, and basic human dignity.

Thank you for considering this submission.

Sincerely,

Hellenic Canadian Research Institute

Ελληνοκαναδικό Ερευνητικό Ινστιτούτο

Όταν ο Τούρκος Πρόεδρος Ρετζέπ Ταγίπ Ερντογάν μίλησε σε μια πολιτική συγκέντρωση στις 30 Ιουνίου 2026, τα λόγια του δεν ήταν απλώς μια υπεράσπιση της σύγχρονης εξωτερικής πολιτικής, αλλά μια σαρωτική προσπάθεια να ξαναγράψει αιώνες γεωπολιτικής πραγματικότητας. Απευθυνόμενος σε διεθνείς επικριτές σε ένα βίντεο που κοινοποίησε το Clash Report στο X, ο Ερντογάν δήλωσε:
​

Αυτή η απόλυτη ωραιοποίηση ενός αναίμακτου παρελθόντος δεν είναι τυχαία· αποτελεί το θεμελιώδες δόγμα της επίσημης κρατικής ιστοριογραφίας που προωθεί η Άγκυρα. Εκλαμβάνοντας τις βίαιες αναταράξεις της ύστερης Οθωμανικής Αυτοκρατορίας και της πρώιμης Τουρκικής Δημοκρατίας αποκλειστικά μέσα από ένα πρίσμα ηθικής ανωτερότητας, η συγκεκριμένη ρητορική επιδιώκει την πλήρη αμνηστία του κράτους από τις ιστορικές του ευθύνες. Στο επίσημο τουρκικό αφήγημα, οι κρατικές ενέργειες βαφτίζονται συστηματικά ως πράξεις αυτοάμυνας, δικαιοσύνης ή πατερναλιστικής συμπόνιας, ενώ οι ολέθριες απώλειες που υπέστησαν οι χριστιανικοί και μειονοτικοί πληθυσμοί υποβαθμίζονται σε απλές παράπλευρες απώλειες πολέμου ή αποδίδονται σε ξένο δάκτυλο και εξωτερικές συνωμοσίες.

Η ιστορική πραγματικότητα, ωστόσο, δεν παραχαράσσεται με κυβερνητικά διατάγματα ούτε μπορεί να κρυφτεί πίσω από τη σύγχρονη πολιτική σκοπιμότητα. Δεκαετίες εξονυχιστικής έρευνας από διεθνείς και Τούρκους ιστορικούς, ένας τεράστιος όγκος διπλωματικών εγγράφων από αυτόπτες μάρτυρες και τα ξεκάθαρα πλαίσια του διεθνούς δικαίου συνθέτουν μια εντελώς διαφορετική —και βαθιά ανησυχητική— εικόνα. Η μετάβαση από την πολυπολιτισμική Οθωμανική Αυτοκρατορία στο ομοιογενές, σύγχρονο τουρκικό εθνικό κράτος δεν υπήρξε προϊόν ειρηνικής συνύπαρξης, αλλά επισφραγίστηκε από μια σκόπιμη, κρατικά οργανωμένη εξάλειψη του πλούσιου πολιτισμικού μωσαϊκού της αυτοκρατορίας. Από τις σφαγές αντιποίνων και την τακτική της καμένης γης κατά την Ελληνική Επανάσταση του 1821-29, μέχρι τις συστηματικές γενοκτονίες του Πρώτου Παγκοσμίου Πολέμου και τις σύγχρονες πολιτικές εποικισμού και καταστολής των μειονοτήτων, τα ιστορικά δεδομένα είναι αμείλικτα και αποκαλύπτουν ένα διαχρονικό, επίμονο μοτίβο συστηματικής βίας, αναγκαστικής αφομοίωσης και εδαφικής επέκτασης.

Για να αξιολογηθεί ο ισχυρισμός του Προέδρου Ερντογάν περί μιας «ένδοξης» και ηθικής ιστορίας, δεν αρκεί να στεκόμαστε στην πολιτική ρητορική· επιβάλλεται η εξέταση των αδιάψευστων ιστορικών στοιχείων. Η καταγραφή που ακολουθεί στο Μέρος 1 δεν είναι εξαντλητική, αλλά αποκαλύπτει ένα μικρό μέρος της σκοτεινής πλευράς αυτής της ιστορίας.

Μέρος 1: Ιστορικά Παραδείγματα Μαζικών Θηριωδιών

Οι Σφαγές και οι Γενοκτονίες της Ύστερης Οθωμανικής Περιόδου (1821 έως τις αρχές του 1923)

Ο ισχυρισμός ότι η τουρκική ιστορία χαρακτηρίζεται «μόνο από δικαιοσύνη και συμπόνια» καταρρίπτεται πλήρως από τα τελευταία κεφάλαια της Οθωμανικής Αυτοκρατορίας, του προκατόχου της σύγχρονης Τουρκικής Δημοκρατίας. Προκειμένου να καταστείλει κάθε εσωτερική αντίσταση, η αυτοκρατορία επιστράτευε συστηματικά την τακτική του ολοκληρωτικού πολέμου απέναντι στα περιφερειακά κινήματα ανεξαρτησίας, προχωρώντας στην εξόντωση αμάχων και σε στοχευμένες θηριωδίες κατά των αυτόχθονων μειονοτικών πληθυσμών. Η καταγραφή αυτή δεν επικεντρώνεται στα εγκλήματα πολέμου, τις σφαγές, τις δολοφονίες και τις καταστροφές που προκάλεσαν οι Τούρκοι κατά την πολυαιώνη περίοδο των κατακτήσεων και του αποικισμού τους, κατά τη διάρκεια της ανόδου και της επέκτασής τους:

• Η Σφαγή της Κωνσταντινούπολης (μετά από την 25η Μαρτίου 1821): Ως αντίποινα για το ξέσπασμα της Ελληνικής Επανάστασης, η Οθωμανική Αυτοκρατορία εξαπέλυσε αμέσως κρατικά καθοδηγούμενα πογκρόμ, σφαγιάζοντας χιλιάδες αθώους Έλληνες πολίτες, εμπόρους και μέλη της ελίτ στην οθωμανική πρωτεύουσα. Τον Απρίλιο, οι οθωμανικές αρχές εκτέλεσαν τον πνευματικό ηγέτη της Ορθοδοξίας, τον Οικουμενικό Πατριάρχη Γρηγόριο Ε', απαγχονίζοντάς τον στις πύλες του Πατριαρχείου. Οι σφαγές επεκτάθηκαν και σε άλλες περιοχές της αυτοκρατορίας προτού τελικά κατασταλούν.[1]
• Η Σφαγή της Χίου (Μάρτιος 1822): Οθωμανικά στρατεύματα εξόντωσαν συστηματικά, υποδούλωσαν ή εξόρισαν περίπου τα τέσσερα πέμπτα του ελληνικού πληθυσμού της Χίου. Έως και 100.000 Έλληνες σφαγιάστηκαν ή οδηγήθηκαν στα σκλαβοπάζαρα της Βόρειας Αφρικής και της Μέσης Ανατολής, σε μια τραγωδία που σκόρπισε τρόμο στη διεθνή κοινότητα.[2]
• Η Καταστροφή των Ψαρών (20 Ιουνίου 1824): Οι οθωμανικές δυνάμεις ισοπέδωσαν ολοκληρωτικά το επαναστατημένο νησί των Ψαρών. Μέσα σε μόλις δύο ημέρες, υπολογίζεται ότι 18.000 Έλληνες σκοτώθηκαν ή αιχμαλωτίστηκαν ως σκλάβοι, ερημώνοντας ουσιαστικά το νησί και αφήνοντάς το σε πλήρη ερείπια.[3]
• Η Τρίτη Πολιορκία του Μεσολογγίου (15 Απριλίου 1825–1826): Μετά από έναν σκληρό, μονοετή αποκλεισμό από τις ενωμένες οθωμανικές και αιγυπτιακές δυνάμεις, ο επιζών πληθυσμός που υπέφερε από σοβαρό λιμό επιχείρησε την ηρωική Έξοδο. Η πόλη κυριεύτηκε, με αποτέλεσμα την άμεση σφαγή χιλιάδων Ελλήνων αμάχων και την υποδούλωση έως και 4.000 γυναικόπαιδων.[4]
• Τα Γεγονότα της Δαμασκού (9-17 Ιουλίου 1860): Μετά από θρησκευτικές ταραχές στον Λίβανο, βίαιοι όχλοι και πολιτοφυλακές έβαλαν στο στόχαστρο την ιστορική χριστιανική συνοικία της Δαμασκού. Ενώ στα βουνά στοχοποιήθηκαν οι Μαρωνίτες, τα θύματα στη Δαμασκό ήταν κυρίως Έλληνες Ορθόδοξοι. Οι τοπικές οθωμανικές δυνάμεις συνεργάστηκαν ενεργά με τους ταραχοποιούς, οι οποίοι πυρπόλησαν τον ιστορικό Ελληνορθόδοξο Ναό της Παναγίας (Μαριαμίγια) και έσφαξαν συστηματικά μεταξύ 3.000 και 10.000 Χριστιανών, προκαλώντας την άμεση στρατιωτική επέμβαση των Δυτικών Δυνάμεων. Φοβούμενοι τα ευρωπαϊκά αντίποινα, οι Οθωμανοί αναγκάστηκαν εκ των υστέρων να τιμωρήσουν τους ίδιους τους δράστες που προηγουμένως είχαν στηρίξει.[5]
• Σφαγή των Αρμενίων του 1894-1896 (Καλοκαίρι 1894–1896): Προάγγελοι των μεταγενέστερων γενοκτονιών, αυτά τα κρατικά οργανωμένα πογκρόμ υπό τον Σουλτάνο Αμπντούλ Χαμίτ Β' έπληξαν κυρίως τους Οθωμανούς Αρμενίους σε ολόκληρη την Ανατολία. Στο στόχαστρο βρέθηκαν επίσης οι Ασσύριοι, καθώς και οι Έλληνες σε μικρότερο βαθμό. Υπολογίζεται ότι 100.000 έως 300.000 Αρμένιοι και 25.000 Ασσύριοι εξοντώθηκαν, ενώ εκατοντάδες χιλιάδες εκτοπίστηκαν ή εξαναγκάστηκαν σε εξισλαμισμό.[6]
• Οι Σφαγές των Αδάνων (Απρίλιος 1909): Τα αντιαρμενικά πογκρόμ που ενορχηστρώθηκαν μέσα στην πολιτική αστάθεια της Επανάστασης των Νεότουρκων οδήγησαν στη σφαγή περίπου 20.000 έως 30.000 Αρμενίων αμάχων στο βιλαέτι των Αδάνων.[7]
• Οι Σφαγές Άοπλων Ελλήνων στην Ανατολική Θράκη (1912-1913): Κατά την περίοδο των Βαλκανικών Πολέμων, 15.690 άοπλοι Έλληνες σφαγιάστηκαν στην Ανατολική Θράκη από τις οθωμανικές δυνάμεις.[8]
• Η Γενοκτονία των Ελλήνων (6 Απριλίου 1914-1923): Η συστηματική εξόντωση των γηγενών Ελλήνων υπηκόων της Οθωμανικής Αυτοκρατορίας, η οποία είχε ως αποτέλεσμα τη σφαγή περισσότερων από 1 εκατομμύριο Ελλήνων.[9]
• Ο Μεγάλος Λιμός του Όρους του Λιβάνου (περ. Ιανουάριος 1915–1918): Ένας εργαλειοποιημένος επισιτιστικός αποκλεισμός και μια πολιτική επίταξης σοδειών υπό την επίβλεψη του Οθωμανού στρατιωτικού διοικητή Τζεμάλ Πασά, που οδήγησε στον θάνατο από ασιτία 200.000 έως 300.000 Μαρωνιτών και άλλων Χριστιανών. Αξίζει να σημειωθεί: αν και ο Μεγάλος Λιμός χρονολογείται γενικά στο 1915–1918, η πραγματική του έναρξη θεωρείται η 13η Νοεμβρίου 1914 —δύο εβδομάδες μετά την είσοδο της Οθωμανικής Αυτοκρατορίας στον Α' Παγκόσμιο Πόλεμο— όταν πολίτες εισέβαλαν στο δημαρχείο της Βηρυτού για να αναφέρουν έλλειψη σιτηρών. Οι οθωμανικές αρχές αγνόησαν την αναφορά, γνωρίζοντας πλήρως ότι η ίδια η κυβέρνηση είχε μεθοδεύσει την κρίση.[10][11]
• Η Γενοκτονία των Ασσυρίων (περ. αρχές Ιανουαρίου 1915-1923): Η συστηματική εξόντωση των γηγενών Ασσυρίων υπηκόων της Οθωμανικής Αυτοκρατορίας, η οποία είχε ως αποτέλεσμα τη σφαγή από περίπου 300.000 Ασσυρίων (βάσει των εκτιμήσεων της Λωζάνης το 1923) έως 750.000 (βάσει των ευρημάτων του Ασσυριοαμερικανού ερευνητή Peter Pnuel BetBasoo και του Ινστιτούτου Λέμκιν για την Πρόληψη των Γενοκτονιών).[12][13][14]
• Η Γενοκτονία των Αρμενίων (24 Απριλίου 1915-1923): Η συστηματική εξόντωση των γηγενών Αρμενίων υπηκόων της Οθωμανικής Αυτοκρατορίας που οδήγησε στη σφαγή 1,5 εκατομμυρίου Αρμενίων. Πρόκειται για μία από τις πιο σχολαστικά και πλήρως τεκμηριωμένες γενοκτονίες στη σύγχρονη ιστορία.[15]

Κρατική Βία κατά την Πρώιμη Κεμαλική / Δημοκρατική Περίοδο (τέλη 1923 έως 1938)

Η μετάβαση της Οθωμανικής Αυτοκρατορίας σε μια κοσμική δημοκρατία το 1923 δεν έβαλε τέλος στις εσωτερικές μαζικές θηριωδίες. Ο πρώιμος κρατικός μηχανισμός κατέστειλε βίαια τις εθνικές και θρησκευτικές μειονότητες, προκειμένου να επιβάλει μια ενιαία, ομοιογενή εθνική ταυτότητα:

• Η Σφαγή του Ζιλάν (12-13 Ιουλίου 1930): Η σφαγή 5.000 έως 15.000 Κούρδων αμάχων στην κοιλάδα του Ζιλάν κατά τη διάρκεια της στρατιωτικής καταστολής της εξέγερσης του Αραράτ. Ενώ ο βασικός αριθμός των θυμάτων της σφαγής θεωρείται γενικά ότι είναι οι 5.000, η τουρκική εφημερίδα Cumhuriyet (16 Ιουλίου 1930) έκανε λόγο για 15.000 νεκρούς, ενώ ορισμένες κουρδικές πηγές ανεβάζουν τον απολογισμό των θυμάτων μέχρι και τις 47.000.[16]
• Η Σφαγή / Γενοκτονία του Ντερσίμ (1 Μαΐου 1937–1938): Μια μαζική στρατιωτική εκστρατεία με αεροπορικούς βομβαρδισμούς (συμπεριλαμβανομένης της χρήσης χημικών όπλων) και εκτεταμένες εκτελέσεις εναντίον των Αλεβιτών Κούρδων του Ντερσίμ (το οποίο μετονομάστηκε σε Τούντζελι). Η επιχείρηση οδήγησε στον θάνατο έως και 70.000 αμάχων.[17]

Οργανωμένα Πογκρόμ στα Τέλη του 20ού Αιώνα

• ​Σεπτεμβριανά (6-7 Σεπτεμβρίου 1955): Κρατικά ενορχηστρωμένες, οργανωμένες επιθέσεις όχλου με στόχο τους εναπομείναντες Έλληνες, Αρμένιους και Εβραίους πολίτες της Κωνσταντινούπολης, οι οποίες προκάλεσαν μαζικές καταστροφές περιουσιών και πυροδότησαν την τελική μαζική μετανάστευση των Ελλήνων από την Τουρκία. Υπολογίζεται ότι κατά τη διάρκεια του διήμερου πογκρόμ, 37 άνθρωποι έχασαν τη ζωή τους, πάνω από χίλιοι τραυματίστηκαν, ενώ εκατοντάδες γυναίκες και παιδιά έπεσαν θύματα βιασμού. Υπήρξαν εκτενείς αναφορές ότι Έλληνες άνδρες υποβλήθηκαν σε αναγκαστική περιτομή. Οι ζημιές εκτιμήθηκαν γύρω στα 500 εκατομμύρια δολάρια.[18]
• Η Σφαγή του Μαράς (19-26 Δεκεμβρίου 1978): Ένα εβδομαδιαίο μπαράζ δολοφονικών επιθέσεων με στόχο αριστερούς, Κούρδους και την αλεβιτική θρησκευτική μειονότητα στο Καχραμανμαράς της Τουρκίας. Ενορχηστρωμένη κυρίως από τους νεοφασίστες «Γκρίζους Λύκους» και τοπικές ακροδεξιές ομάδες με την υποστήριξη της τουρκικής εθνικής υπηρεσίας πληροφοριών, η βία οδήγησε στον θάνατο 111 ανθρώπων σύμφωνα με τις επίσημες εκτιμήσεις, αν και ανεξάρτητες πηγές ανεβάζουν τον πραγματικό αριθμό των νεκρών στους εκατοντάδες. Οι θηριωδίες περιελάμβαναν την καταστροφή εκατοντάδων σπιτιών και επιχειρήσεων, αναγκάζοντας την τουρκική κυβέρνηση να κηρύξει τελικά στρατιωτικό νόμο για την αποκατάσταση της τάξης.[19]
• Η Σφαγή της Σεβάστειας (2 Ιουλίου 1993): Μια σφαγή που διαπράχθηκε από εξαγριωμένο όχλο ριζοσπαστών ισλαμιστών, οι οποίοι πυρπόλησαν το ξενοδοχείο Madimak στη Σεβάστεια (Σίβας) της Τουρκίας, σκοτώνοντας 35 ανθρώπους. Τα θύματα ήταν κυρίως Αλεβίτες διανοούμενοι, συγγραφείς και καλλιτέχνες που είχαν συγκεντρωθεί για ένα πολιτιστικό φεστιβάλ, συμπεριλαμβανομένου του εξέχοντος μεταφραστή και συγγραφέα Αζίζ Νεσίν, ο οποίος επέζησε από την επίθεση. Ο όχλος εξοργίστηκε από την παρουσία του Νεσίν λόγω της μετάφρασης του αμφιλεγόμενου μυθιστορήματος του Σαλμάν Ρούσντι «Οι Σατανικοί Στίχοι». Το περιστατικό παραμένει ένα βαθιά τραυματικό γεγονός για την αλεβιτική μειονότητα της Τουρκίας, η οποία κατηγορεί τις κρατικές δυνάμεις ασφαλείας ότι απέτυχαν να παρέμβουν κατά τη διάρκεια της πολύωρης πολιορκίας.[20]

​Μέρος 2: Στρέφοντας τα Αρχεία της Τουρκίας Ενάντια στην Άρνηση

Οι σύγχρονοι μελετητές γενοκτονιών έχουν καταφέρει να στρέψουν τα ίδια τα θεσμικά έγγραφα της Τουρκίας ενάντια στην κρατική άρνηση. Αξιοποιώντας τα επίσημα οθωμανικά και τουρκικά κρατικά αρχεία, επαλήθευσαν τις ιστορικές θηριωδίες, παρά τα αλλεπάλληλα κύματα συστηματικών εκκαθαρίσεων των εγγράφων. Τούρκοι ιστορικοί, όπως ο Τανέρ Ακτσάμ, παρέκαμψαν τους αυστηρούς κρατικούς περιορισμούς, επιτυγχάνοντας καθοριστικές αρχειακές ανακαλύψεις στα Οθωμανικά Πρωθυπουργικά Αρχεία (Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi). Κρίσιμο στοιχείο αυτής της έρευνας υπήρξε ο εντοπισμός ενός αποσυνδεδεμένου συστήματος κρυπτογράφησης, το οποίο ήταν κρυμμένο μέσα σε έναν τεράστιο όγκο καθημερινών διοικητικών τηλεγραφημάτων. Διασταυρώνοντας τα δημόσια τετραψήφια κλειδιά κρυπτογράφησης με τις κρυπτογραφημένες καταγραφές των δικών, οι ερευνητές επαλήθευσαν με επιτυχία τη γνησιότητα των ρητών εντολών εξόντωσης που αποστέλλονταν απευθείας από την Κωνσταντινούπολη.[21][22]

Επιπλέον, τα αρχεία αυτά φέρνουν στο φως μια εξαιρετικά οργανωμένη εκστρατεία δημογραφικής μηχανικής, η οποία κατευθυνόταν απευθείας από το Οθωμανικό Υπουργείο Εσωτερικών. Στην περίπτωση των Αρμενίων, τα σχολαστικά αρχεία καταγραφής αποδεικνύουν ότι οι περιφερειακοί κυβερνήτες λάμβαναν αυστηρές εντολές να διασφαλίσουν ότι ο εκτοπισμένος αρμενικός πληθυσμός δεν θα ξεπερνούσε ποτέ το 5% με 10% του τοπικού μουσουλμανικού πληθυσμού σε καμία περιοχή.[23] Αυτή η εμμονική προσήλωση στα πληθυσμιακά ποσοστά επιβεβαιώνει μαθηματικά ένα εσκεμμένο, κεντρικά σχεδιασμένο πλάνο συστηματικής εξάλειψης, καταρρίπτοντας το επιχείρημα περί χαοτικών, ακούσιων συνεπειών λόγω των μετακινήσεων εν μέσω πολέμου.

Η δομική επιμελητεία αυτής της εξάλειψης αποκαλύπτεται περαιτέρω στα κατάστιχα των «εγκαταλελειμμένων περιουσιών» (Emval-i Metruke) που ανακτήθηκαν από τα κρατικά αρχεία.[24] Αυτά τα αρχεία εκκαθάρισης περιουσιακών στοιχείων περιγράφουν την οργανωμένη απαλλοτρίωση, καταγραφή και αναδιανομή των χριστιανικών περιουσιών σε ολόκληρη την αυτοκρατορία. Χαρτογραφώντας ρητά τον τρόπο με τον οποίο ο πλούτος των μειονοτήτων αφαιρέθηκε νομίμως και μεταβιβάστηκε, τα επίσημα αυτά έγγραφα αποδεικνύουν ότι η αρπαγή των περιουσιών σχεδιάστηκε με μοναδικό σκοπό την οικοδόμηση μιας νέας τουρκικής εθνικής οικονομίας.

Το πιο σημαντικό, όμως, είναι ότι τα κρατικά αρχεία δεν καταγράφουν απλώς τους μηχανισμούς της οικονομικής λεηλασίας και της καταστροφής· διασώζουν επίσης μια κρυφή ιστορία εσωτερικής αντίστασης και διοικητικής ενοχής, η οποία γκρεμίζει συθέμελα το μονολιθικό αφήγημα της κρατικής άρνησης. Όπως κατέδειξε ο Τούρκος ερευνητής και ακτιβιστής Ταμέρ Τσιλινγκίρ σε ένα ιστορικό διεθνές συνέδριο για τις γενοκτονίες το 2019 στην Αθήνα, τα απόρρητα πρακτικά της Τουρκικής Εθνοσυνέλευσης των ετών 1922 και 1923 που έφερε στο φως αποτελούν αδιάψευστα στοιχεία για τις εσωτερικές ρωγμές γύρω από την εξόντωση του ελληνικού πληθυσμού.

Αυτά τα απόρρητα πρακτικά αποκαλύπτουν ρητές εκφράσεις θλίψης, ανησυχίας και βαθιάς ενοχής από Τούρκους πολιτικούς της εποχής, σχετικά με τη φρικιαστική βαναυσότητα των σφαγών που διαπράττονταν υπό την εποπτεία τους. Το μεγαλύτερο πλήγμα, ωστόσο, για το επίσημο κρατικό αφήγημα είναι η επιβεβαίωση, μέσα από τα κρατικά αρχεία, επίσημων στρατιωτικών εντολών εκτέλεσης που στόχευαν ντόπιους Τούρκους Μουσουλμάνους. Ο Τσιλινγκίρ τόνισε ότι τα έγγραφα αυτά παρέχουν εμπειρική, αναμφισβήτητη απόδειξη ότι υπήρχαν Τούρκοι πολίτες που απέρριπταν τις γενοκτονικές εκστρατείες της κυβέρνησης. Αντίθετα, μερικοί απλοί Μουσουλμάνοι ρίσκαραν καθημερινά τη ζωή τους για να στεγάσουν και να βοηθήσουν κρυφά Έλληνες Ορθόδοξους Χριστιανούς που κρύβονταν από τις κρατικές δυνάμεις στα βουνά.[25]

​Μέρος 3: Καταρρίπτοντας τον Ισχυρισμό περί «Μη Αποικιοκρατίας»: Σύγχρονοι Εποικισμοί και Κατοχές

Ο ισχυρισμός του Ερντογάν ότι η ιστορία της Τουρκίας δεν εμπεριέχει «καμία αποικιοκρατία» έρχεται σε πλήρη αντίθεση με το γεγονός ότι τόσο η Σελτζουκική όσο και η Οθωμανική Αυτοκρατορία θεμελιώθηκαν πάνω σε συστήματα εδαφικής κατάκτησης, υποδούλωσης και μακροχρόνιας αποικιακής διοίκησης. Επιπλέον, η σύγχρονη Τουρκική Δημοκρατία συνεχίζει να ενορχηστρώνει πολιτικές στρατιωτικής κατοχής, υφαρπαγής πόρων, δημογραφικής μηχανικής και κρατικά κατευθυνόμενων σχεδίων εποικισμού πέρα από τα σύνορά της:

Παράνομη Κατοχή και Αποικισμός στη Βόρεια Κύπρο (1974–Σήμερα)

Μετά τη στρατιωτική εισβολή της στην Κύπρο το 1974, η Άγκυρα επέβαλε μια de facto διχοτόμηση του νησιού που έχει πλέον εισέλθει στην έκτη δεκαετία της. Διεθνή νομικά όργανα και ιστορικοί χαρακτηρίζουν τη συνεχιζόμενη παρουσία της Τουρκίας στην Κύπρο ως παράνομη. Η τουρκική κυβέρνηση εφάρμοσε μια επιθετική εκστρατεία δημογραφικής αλλοίωσης, εκδιώκοντας βίαια περίπου 170.000 έως 200.000 γηγενείς Ελληνοκύπριους από τις πατρογονικές τους εστίες στον βορρά. Για να ανατρέψει μόνιμα τις ισορροπίες στο έδαφος, η Τουρκία ξεκίνησε μια κρατικά χρηματοδοτούμενη μεταφορά πληθυσμού, εισάγοντας δεκάδες χιλιάδες έποικους από την τουρκική ενδοχώρα, σε κατάφορη παραβίαση των Συμβάσεων της Γενεύης. Αυτή η συστηματική αντικατάσταση του αυτόχθονος πληθυσμού έχει μετατρέψει ουσιαστικά το κατεχόμενο βόρειο τμήμα σε ένα πρότζεκτ αποικισμού.[26]

Το πιο κρίσιμο είναι ότι αυτή η συστηματική δημογραφική αλλοίωση δεν έπληξε μόνο τους εκτοπισμένους Ελληνοκύπριους, αλλά διάβρωσε δομικά και την αυτονομία του κοσμικού πληθυσμού των Τουρκοκυπρίων του νησιού. Όπως υπογράμμισε ο Ευάγγελος Σάββα, Πρέσβης της Κύπρου στις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες, ενώπιον της Επιτροπής Ανθρωπίνων Δικαιωμάτων Tom Lantos στις 30 Ιουνίου 2026, η εισροή εποίκων από την ενδοχώρα υπήρξε τόσο συντριπτική, ώστε σήμερα οι Τουρκοκύπριοι έχουν μετατραπεί σε ξεκάθαρη δημογραφική μειοψηφία στην κατεχόμενη ζώνη, έχοντας επισκιαστεί πλήρως από τους Τούρκους έποικους της Ανατολίας.

Για να διασφαλίσει τον έλεγχο στα κατεχόμενα, η Τουρκία επέβαλε ένα ολοκληρωμένο πρόγραμμα πολιτιστικής και οικονομικής αφομοίωσης, σχεδιασμένο να ενσωματώσει το κατεχόμενο έδαφος στον κρατικό ιστό της ενδοχώρας. Με την εισαγωγή της τουρκικής λίρας, τη δρομολόγηση όλων των ταχυδρομικών και τηλεπικοινωνιακών δικτύων αποκλειστικά μέσω Άγκυρας και τη διατήρηση ασφυκτικής οικονομικής εποπτείας, η Τουρκία έχει ουσιαστικά επιβάλει μια μόνιμη εξάρτηση από την τουρκική ενδοχώρα.[27]

Νεοαποικιοκρατία στη Βόρεια Συρία (2016–Σήμερα)

Κατά τη διάρκεια του συριακού εμφυλίου πολέμου, ο τουρκικός στρατός εξαπέλυσε αλλεπάλληλες επιχειρήσεις για να καταλάβει μια ζώνη ασφαλείας βάθους 30 χιλιομέτρων στη βόρεια Συρία.[28] Πολιτικοί επιστήμονες και παρατηρητές ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων έχουν τεκμηριώσει αυτή την παρέμβαση ως κλασική περίπτωση μετασχηματιστικής στρατιωτικής κατοχής με σαφή νεοαποικιακά χαρακτηριστικά.[29] Κεντρικό στοιχείο αυτής της στρατηγικής είναι μια συστηματική διαδικασία διοικητικής και πολιτιστικής εξάλειψης, κατά την οποία η Τουρκία έθεσε τους τοπικούς συριακούς τομείς υγείας, εκπαίδευσης και δικαιοσύνης απευθείας υπό τον γραφειοκρατικό έλεγχο του κυβερνείου του Χατάι εντός της Τουρκίας. Υπό αυτή την κεντρική εξουσία, τα σχολικά προγράμματα σπουδών άλλαξαν αναγκαστικά στα τουρκικά, η τουρκική λίρα εισήχθη ως το κύριο νόμισμα, ενώ οι ιθαγενείς κουρδικές ονομασίες δρόμων και οι πολιτιστικές γιορτές απαγορεύτηκαν αυστηρά.

Στρατιωτική Επέμβαση και Πόλεμος των Drones στο Αρτσάχ (Ναγκόρνο-Καραμπάχ) (2020-2023)

Οι σύγχρονες περιφερειακές φιλοδοξίες της Τουρκίας έχουν αναδιαμορφώσει σε μεγάλο βαθμό τον χάρτη του Νοτίου Καυκάσου, επιστρατεύοντας σύγχρονη στρατιωτική ισχύ για την άμεση αλλοίωση των τοπικών δημογραφικών δεδομένων. Κατά τη διάρκεια του Δεύτερου Πολέμου του Ναγκόρνο-Καραμπάχ το 2020, η Τουρκία παρείχε καθοριστική, άμεση στρατιωτική, κατασκοπευτική και λογιστική υποστήριξη στο Αζερμπαϊτζάν. Στο πλαίσιο αυτό, ανώτατοι Τούρκοι στρατιωτικοί διηύθυναν τον επιχειρησιακό σχεδιασμό, ενώ προηγμένα drones, συμπεριλαμβανομένης εξελιγμένης καναδικής τεχνολογίας drones[30], αναπτύχθηκαν για να ισοπεδώσουν την αρμενική άμυνα. Η στρατιωτική νίκη του Μπακού που επακολούθησε έσπασε ένα αδιέξοδο τριών δεκαετιών, ανοίγοντας απευθείας τον δρόμο για την πλήρη έξοδο και την εθνοκάθαρση περίπου 120.000 αυτόχθονων Αρμενίων από το Αρτσάχ (Ναγκόρνο-Καραμπάχ) το 2023.

Καιροσκοπικοί Βομβαρδισμοί Κουρδικών Υποδομών σε Συρία και Ιράκ (από τον Οκτώβριο του 2023)

Η μακροχρόνια εκστρατεία του σύγχρονου τουρκικού κράτους εναντίον των κουρδικών πληθυσμών βασίζεται συχνά στην εκμετάλλευση της διεθνούς επικαιρότητας και των παγκόσμιων περισπασμών, προκειμένου να προωθήσει διασυνοριακές επιχειρήσεις χωρίς διεθνείς αντιδράσεις. Τον Οκτώβριο του 2023, ενώ η προσοχή ολόκληρης της διεθνούς κοινότητας ήταν στραμμένη στις άμεσες επιπτώσεις των τρομοκρατικών επιθέσεων της 7ης Οκτωβρίου στο Ισραήλ και την επακόλουθη κρίση στη Γάζα, η Άγκυρα εξαπέλυσε μια σφοδρή, καταστροφική εκστρατεία αεροπορικών επιδρομών και επιθέσεων με drones εναντίον κουρδικών περιοχών στη Συρία και το Ιράκ [31][32]. Αυτός ο στρατηγικός χρονισμός επέτρεψε στην Τουρκία να κλιμακώσει το στρατιωτικό της αποτύπωμα με τις ελάχιστες δυνατές διπλωματικές τριβές από τους Δυτικούς συμμάχους ή τα περιφερειακά όργανα.

Πλήττοντας περιοχές στο βόρειο Ιράκ και τη βορειοανατολική Συρία, οι Τουρκικές Ένοπλες Δυνάμεις στοχοποίησαν και προκάλεσαν σοβαρές ζημιές σε ζωτικές ανθρωπιστικές υποδομές, συμπεριλαμβανομένων σταθμών άντλησης νερού, εργοστασίων παραγωγής ηλεκτρικής ενέργειας, διυλιστηρίων πετρελαίου και εγκαταστάσεων οικιακού αερίου. Η καταστροφή που επακολούθησε παρέλυσε τα βασικά δίκτυα πόρων της περιοχής. Αναδεικνύοντας την απόλυτη κλίμακα της επίθεσης, οργανώσεις ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων ανέφεραν περισσότερες από 1.000 μεμονωμένες αεροπορικές επιδρομές που πραγματοποιήθηκαν στο Ιράκ μέχρι τα μέσα του 2024.[33]

​Μέρος 4: Νομοθετημένη Σιωπή — Το Άρθρο 301 του Τουρκικού Ποινικού Κώδικα

Η επιβολή του ιστορικού αναθεωρητισμού και της άρνησης εντός της Τουρκίας δεν είναι παθητική· είναι νομικά κατοχυρωμένη από τον δικαστικό μηχανισμό του κράτους. Ο κύριος νομικός μοχλός που χρησιμοποιείται για την τιμωρία αντιφρονούντων, δημοσιογράφων και ακαδημαϊκών που επιχειρούν να συζητήσουν αυτές τις ιστορικές θηριωδίες είναι το Άρθρο 301 του Τουρκικού Ποινικού Κώδικα.

Το Άρθρο 301 ποινικοποιεί την πράξη της δημόσιας «εξύβρισης του τουρκικού έθνους, του κράτους της Τουρκικής Δημοκρατίας ή της Μεγάλης Εθνοσυνέλευσης της Τουρκίας». Οποιοσδήποτε καταδικάζεται βάσει αυτού του νόμου αντιμετωπίζει ποινή φυλάκισης από έξι μήνες έως δύο έτη.[34] Ο νόμος έχει επιστρατευτεί επιθετικά για τη στοχοποίηση ατόμων που χρησιμοποιούν δημόσια τη λέξη «γενοκτονία» ή δημοσιεύουν έργα που αναλύουν λεπτομερώς τις σφαγές των μειονοτήτων.

Εξέχοντες διανοούμενοι, συμπεριλαμβανομένου του νομπελίστα συγγραφέα Ορχάν Παμούκ (Orhan Pamuk), διώχθηκαν ποινικά βάσει αυτού του άρθρου επειδή αναφέρθηκαν στις μαζικές δολοφονίες Αρμενίων και Κούρδων.[35] Αντίστοιχα, ο ακτιβιστής ειρήνης Γιάννης Βασίλης Γιαϊλαλί φυλακίστηκε για δύο χρόνια απλώς και μόνο επειδή τίμησε τη μνήμη των θυμάτων της αρμενικής και της ελληνικής γενοκτονίας.[36]

Ο κίνδυνος αυτής της κρατικά κατευθυνόμενης νομικής στοχοποίησης αποκαλύφθηκε σε όλο του το μεγαλείο στην εμβληματική υπόθεση του Χραντ Ντινκ (Hrant Dink), ενός κορυφαίου Τουρκοαρμένιου δημοσιογράφου. Ο Ντινκ διώχθηκε επανειλημμένα και καταδικάστηκε βάσει του Άρθρου 301 για τα κείμενά του σχετικά με τη Γενοκτονία των Αρμενίων.[37] Η δημόσια δικαστική εκστρατεία του κράτους τον εμφάνισε ως προδότη, δημιουργώντας ένα εχθρικό εγχώριο περιβάλλον που τελικά οδήγησε στη δολοφονία του από έναν υπερεθνικιστή το 2007. Αν και ο νόμος τροποποιήθηκε το 2008 ώστε να απαιτείται ρητή άδεια από το Υπουργείο Δικαιοσύνης πριν από την άσκηση δίωξης, παραμένει ένα πανίσχυρο εργαλείο κρατικής λογοκρισίας, επιβάλλοντας αποτελεσματικά μια εγκεκριμένη από το κράτος ιστορία μέσω του καθεστώτος του φόβου.

Μέρος 5: Ο Κίνδυνος της «Ηθικής Ανωτερότητας» και του Επιλεκτικού Ανθρωπισμού του Ερντογάν

Η ομιλία του Προέδρου Ερντογάν επιχείρησε να ορθώσει μια ασπίδα ηθικής ανωτερότητας, αντιπαραβάλλοντας την ανθρωπιστική καταστροφή στη Γάζα με μια εξιδανικευμένη εκδοχή της τουρκικής ιστορίας. Καταδικάζοντας τη συγκλονιστική απώλεια αθώων ζωών στη Γάζα, ο Ερντογάν επεδίωξε να αυτοπαρουσιαστεί ως υπέρμαχος των οικουμενικών ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων. Ωστόσο, η πραγματική ηθική εξουσία δεν μπορεί να συνυπάρξει με την επιλεκτική ιστορική αμνησία. Η εργαλειοποίηση των σημερινών τραγωδιών για την απόκρυψη των περασμένων εγκλημάτων αποτελεί μια κοινή πολιτική τακτική· παρ' όλα αυτά, δημιουργεί μια επικίνδυνη αντίφαση που τελικά αποδυναμώνει τους ίδιους τους διεθνείς νόμους τους οποίους επικαλείται.

Αυτή η αντίφαση ριζώνει σε ένα κραυγαλέο διπλό πρότυπο (double standard) όσον αφορά τις κρατικές παραβιάσεις του διεθνούς δικαίου. Μια κυβέρνηση δεν μπορεί να χρησιμοποιεί νόμιμα το πλαίσιο του διεθνούς δικαίου ως όπλο για να καταδικάσει τις μαζικές θηριωδίες, τον αναγκαστικό εκτοπισμό και την υφαρπαγή πόρων σε ένα γεωγραφικό θέατρο, όταν την ίδια στιγμή επιστρατεύει εγχώριες διατάξεις όπως το Άρθρο 301 για να ποινικοποιήσει οποιαδήποτε αναφορά σε ταυτόσημες, κρατικά ενορχηστρωμένες παραβιάσεις του δικού της παρελθόντος. Η απόρριψη της πλήρως τεκμηριωμένης ιστορίας της γενοκτονίας των Αρμενίων, των Ελλήνων και των Ασσυρίων ως απλή «συκοφαντία», επιστρατεύει την ίδια ακριβώς γλώσσα αναθεωρητισμού που ιστορικά έχει χρησιμοποιηθεί παγκοσμίως για να προστατεύσει τους αυτουργούς μαζικής βίας από τη λογοδοσία. Επιπλέον, ο ισχυρισμός ότι το παρελθόν της Τουρκίας εμπεριέχει «μόνο δικαιοσύνη και συμπόνια» ουσιαστικά διαγράφει το διαγενεακό τραύμα και τα βιώματα των εκατομμυρίων αυτόχθονων μειονοτήτων που ξεριζώθηκαν συστηματικά από την Ανατολική Θράκη, την Μικρά Ασία, τα Αρμενικά υψίπεδα, την Κύπρο και την Ανατολική Μεσόγειο.

Σε τελική ανάλυση, τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα είναι, εξ ορισμού, οικουμενικά και αδιαίρετα. Τα δεινά των αμάχων στη Γάζα πρέπει να καταδικαστούν απερίφραστα και αυτόνομα, αλλά δεν μπορούν να χρησιμοποιηθούν ως ιδεολογικό εργαλείο για την άφεση αμαρτιών οποιουδήποτε κράτους για τα δικά του ιστορικά ή σύγχρονα εγκλήματα. Η γνήσια ηθική ηγεσία στην παγκόσμια σκηνή απαιτεί μια ασυμβίβαστη συνέπεια, απαιτεί δηλαδή από ένα έθνος να επιδείξει στα θύματα που είναι καταγεγραμμένα στο δικό του παρελθόν την ίδια ακριβώς συμπόνια και τη δομική νομική λογοδοσία που ισχυρίζεται ότι προασπίζεται στο εξωτερικό.

Συμπεράσματα

Οι ισοπεδωτικοί ισχυρισμοί περί ιστορικής τελειότητας αποτελούν εργαλεία πολιτικής σκοπιμότητας και όχι ιστορική πραγματικότητα. Η μετάβαση της εξουσίας κατά την ύστερη Οθωμανική Περιόδο και την ανάδυση της Τουρκικής Δημοκρατίας αποτελεί μια αναμφισβήτητα περίπλοκη, βαθιά πληγωμένη κληρονομιά, η οποία απαιτεί διαφάνεια, ανοιχτή πρόσβαση στα αρχεία και το θάρρος να αντιμετωπιστούν τα σκοτεινά κεφάλαια με ειλικρίνεια. Για να επουλωθούν πραγματικά αυτές οι συστημικές πληγές, η Τουρκία θα έπρεπε να εφαρμόσει μια διαδικασία Αλήθειας και Συμφιλίωσης, εμπνευσμένη από το καναδικό μοντέλο. Ένα τέτοιο πλαίσιο θα επέτρεπε στο κράτος να αντιμετωπίσει τις παρελθούσες κρατικά καθοδηγούμενες αδικίες μέσω δημόσιων καταθέσεων, αυστηρής εκπαίδευσης και επίσημης λογοδοσίας, αποδεικνύοντας ότι η πραγματική δικαιοσύνη και η διεθνής αξιοπιστία δεν μπορούν να οικοδομηθούν πάνω στην κρατικά επιβεβλημένη σιωπή. Για την Τουρκία, η επίτευξη αυθεντικής ηθικής ηγεσίας στην παγκόσμια σκηνή απαιτεί την εγκατάλειψη της αμυντικής πολιτικής ρητορικής και την επέκταση της ίδιας συμπόνιας που απαιτεί για τα θύματα στο εξωτερικό, στη μνήμη των θυμάτων που βρίσκονται στο δικό της ιστορικό κατάστιχο.

Πηγές:

[1] Mellby, J. (2019, May 7). The hanging of Gregory V in Constantinople. Graphic Arts, Princeton University Library. https://graphicarts.princeton.edu/2019/05/07/the-hanging-of-gregory-v-in-constantinople/

[2] Cartledge, Y. (2024, April 15). The Chios Massacre (1822) and Chiot Emigration [Invited talk]. Festival Hellenika 2024, Adelaide, SA, Australia. https://researchnow.flinders.edu.au/en/activities/the-chios-massacre-1822-and-chiot-emigration-2/

[3] Hellenic Army General Staff. (2024, June 22). The destruction of Psara. https://stelexi.army.gr/en/events/the-destruction-of-psara/

[4] Pavlopoulos, P. (2026, March 24). The heroic exodus of Messolonghi as a timeless source of inspiration for the fulfillment of our national obligations. Hellenic Canadian Research Institute. https://www.hellenicinstitute.ca/news/the-heroic-exodus-of-messolonghi-as-a-timeless-source-of-inspiration-for-the-fulfillment-of-our-national-obligations

[5] Sharkey, H. J. (2025). Damascus, Syria, 1860: Clues and lessons from the scene of a crime. Bustan: The Middle East Book Review, 16(1), 3–15. https://scholarlypublishingcollective.org/psup/bustan/article/16/1/3/401165/Damascus-Syria-1860-Clues-and-Lessons-from-the

[6] Adalian, R. P. (n.d.). Hamidian massacres. Armenian National Institute. armenian-genocide.org

[7] The Armenian Genocide Museum-Institute. (n.d.). Adana massacres 1909: Unknown scenes of the tragedy. genocide-museum.am

[8] Greek Genocide Resource Center. (2020, July 14). Eastern Thrace: The first phase of the Greek genocide. https://www.greek-genocide.net/index.php/overview/documentation/eastern-thrace

[9] Greek Genocide Resource Center. (n.d.). Greek Genocide Resource Center. https://www.greek-genocide.net/

[10] Kafno.org. (n.d.). Kafno never ended. https://kafno.org/

[11] Bulut, U. (2026, May 16). Kafno: The Lebanese Maronite Genocide. SyriacPress. https://syriacpress.com/blog/2026/05/16/kafno-the-lebanese-maronite-genocide/

[12] Seyfo Center. (n.d.). The Assyrian Genocide. Seyfo Center: Assyrian Genocide Research Center. seyfocenter.com

[13] Assyrian International News Agency. (n.d.). 750,000 Assyrians were killed in World War One. aina.org

[14] Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention [@LemkinInstitute]. (2023, June 17). The @LemkinInstitute remembers the estimated 750,000 Assyrians that were murdered during the #Assyrian Genocide, Seyfo, beginning in 1915. [Post]. X. https://x.com/LemkinInstitute/status/1669966982291292160

[15] Adalian, R. P. (n.d.). Encyclopedia entries on the Armenian Genocide. Armenian National Institute. https://www.armenian-genocide.org/genocide.html

[16] Hun, M. Ö. (2025, July 13). The Zilan Massacre: Anatomy of a historical turning point. Hun Academy. https://hunacademy.com/en/zilan-katliami-bir-tarihi-donum-noktasinin-anatomisi-en/

[17] Omar, A. (2025, May 11). The Dersim Massacre. KGNA. https://kgna.krd/15269/

[18] de Zayas, A. (2007). The Istanbul Pogrom of 6–7 September 1955 in the light of international law. Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal, 2(2), Article 4. https://digitalcommons.usf.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1206&context=gsp

[19] Kurdish Institute Brussels. (2014, December 19). A black mark on Turkey; Maraş Massacre. https://www.kurdishinstitute.be/en/a-black-mark-on-turkey-maras-massacre/

[20] United States Commission on International Religious Freedom. (2021, July 2). Sivas Massacre and Turkey's persecution of the Alevi community[Post]. https://www.uscirf.gov/news-room/uscirf-spotlight/sivas-massacre-and-turkeys-persecution-alevi-community

[21] Akçam, T. (2006). Deportation and massacres in the cipher telegrams of the Interior Ministry in the Prime Ministerial Archive (Başbakanlık Arşivi). Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal, 1(3), 305–325. https://digitalcommons.usf.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1232&context=gsp

[22] Agos. (2016, October 11). Akcam: The authenticity of the Naim Efendi memoirs and Talat Pasha telegrams. Armenian Weekly. https://armenianweekly.com/2016/10/11/akcam-memoirs-telegrams/

[23] Carter, C. (2012, September). The crime that dare not speak its name. Origins: Current Events in Historical Perspective. https://origins.osu.edu/review/crime-dare-not-speak-its-name

​[24] The Promise Armenian Institute. (n.d.). The auctioning of stolen Armenian properties: Emval-i Metruke. University of California, Los Angeles. https://www.international.ucla.edu/armenia/stolenarmenianproperties

[25] Livemedia. (2019, December 7). International Conference on the crime of Genocide native language 07/12/19 [Video]. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Djvaf1oq2Vo

[26] Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe. (2002, November 1). Colonisation by Turkish settlers of the occupied part of Cyprus (Doc. 9799). https://assembly.coe.int/nw/xml/XRef/X2H-Xref-ViewHTML.asp?FileID=10153⟨=EN

[27] Hellenic Canadian Research Institute. (2026, June 26). US congressional hearing on Erdoğan's human rights record in Turkish-occupied Cyprus to take place before NATO Summit. https://www.hellenicinstitute.ca/news/us-congressional-hearing-on-erdogans-human-rights-record-in-turkish-occupied-cyprus-to-take-place-before-nato-summit

[28] Al Mayadeen English. (2022, May 20). Syria condemns Turkish statements regarding 'safe zone' in the north. almayadeen.net.

[29] Human Rights Watch. (2024, February 29). Syria: Abuses, impunity in Turkish-occupied territories. https://www.hrw.org/news/2024/02/29/syria-abuses-impunity-turkish-occupied-territories

​[30] CBC News. (2020, October 6). Canada suspends arms export permits to Turkey [Video]. CBC. https://www.cbc.ca/player/play/video/1.5753052

[31] Syrians for Truth and Justice. (2024, June 26). “As if an earthquake had struck”: Turkish airstrikes are killing life in northeast Syria. https://stj-sy.org/en/as-if-an-earthquake-had-struck-turkish-airstrikes-are-killing-life-in-northeast-syria/

[32] Khoshnaw, N., Giles, C., & Smith, S. (2024, November 19). Turkish strikes in Syria cut water to one million people. BBC News. https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c79zj7rz3l4o

[33] Turkish Minute. (2024, June 15). Turkey has conducted nearly 1,000 attacks in Iraqi Kurdistan in 2024: Rights group. https://turkishminute.com/2024/06/15/turkey-has-conducted-nearly-1000-attack-in-iraqi-kurdistan-in-2024-rights-group

​[34] Amnesty International. (2006, March). Turkey: Article 301: How the law on “denigrating Turkishness” is an insult to free expression (EUR 44/003/2006). https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/eur440032006en.pdf

[35] Amnesty International. (2006, January 23). Turkey: Court drops case against novelist Orhan Pamuk (EUR 44/001/2006). https://www.amnesty.org/es/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/eur440012006en.pdf

[36] Hellenic Canadian Research Institute. (2026, July 4). Yaylali issues urgent open letter for support ahead of August 3 asylum hearing. https://www.hellenicinstitute.ca/news/yaylali-issues-urgent-open-letter-for-support-ahead-of-august-3-asylum-hearing

[37] Amnesty International. (2007, January 19). Turkey: Turkish-Armenian journalist murdered (EUR 44/001/2007). https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/eur440012007en.pdf

_____
ΕΚΕΙ

By the Hellenic Canadian Research Institute

When Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan spoke at a political gathering on June 30, 2026, his words were not merely a defense of contemporary foreign policy, but a sweeping attempt to rewrite centuries of geopolitical reality. Addressing international critics in a video shared by Clash Report on X, Erdoğan declared:
​

​This absolutist invocation of a spotless past represents a foundational tenet of modern Turkish state-directed historiography. By filtering the multi-ethnic, often violent transitions of the late Ottoman Empire and the early Turkish Republic through a singular lens of absolute benevolence, such rhetoric seeks to completely insulate the state from historical accountability. In this narrative, state actions are universally framed as acts of defensive preservation, justice, or paternal compassion, while the catastrophic losses suffered by minority populations are dismissed as wartime collateral damage or foreign-instigated fabrications.

However, historical truth cannot be legislated by state decrees or obscured by contemporary political posturing. Decades of painstaking, multi-archival research by international and Turkish historians, extensive diplomatic records from wartime observers, and the foundational frameworks of international law present a starkly different, deeply troubling reality. The transition from the multi-faith Ottoman Empire to the homogenous, modern Turkish nation-state was not achieved through peaceful cohabitation, but through the deliberate, state-sanctioned destruction of the empire's diverse cultural mosaic. From the reprisal massacres and scorched-earth campaigns against the Greeks in the 1820s to the industrial-scale genocides of World War I, and extending to modern campaigns of settler colonialism and minority suppression, the historical record reveals a persistent pattern of systemic violence, forced assimilation, and territorial expansion.

To evaluate President Erdoğan’s claim of an untarnished history, one must look beyond political rhetoric and examine the extensive historical record. The following list in Part I is non-exhaustive and barely scratches the surface of Turkey's history.

Part I: The Historical Record of Mass Atrocities

The Late Ottoman Period Massacres and Genocides (1821 to early 1923)

The claim that Turkish history contains "only justice and compassion" is directly contradicted by the final chapters of the modern Turkish Republic's predecessor, the Ottoman Empire. To suppress internal dissent, the empire routinely implemented total warfare against regional independence movements, civilian annihilation, and targeted atrocities against indigenous minority populations. This list does not focus on the war crimes, massacres, murders, and destruction caused by the Turks as they conquered and colonized during their rise and expansion which spanned centuries:

• The Constantinople Massacre (after March 25, 1821): In retaliation for the outbreak of the Greek revolution on March 25, 1821, the Ottoman Empire immediately instituted state-sanctioned pogroms that slaughtered thousands of innocent Greek civilians, merchants, and elites in the Ottoman capital. In April, Ottoman authorities executed the spiritual leader of Orthodox Christianity, Ecumenical Patriarch Gregory V, hanging him from the gates of the Patriarchate. The massacres spread to other areas of the Ottoman Empire but were eventually suppressed.[1]
• The Chios Massacre (March 1822): Ottoman troops systematically killed, enslaved, or exiled approximately four-fifths of the Greek population on the island of Chios. Up to 100,000 Greeks were slaughtered or forced into North African and Middle Eastern slave markets, a tragedy that horrified international observers.[2]
• The Destruction of Psara (June 20, 1824): Ottoman forces completely destroyed the rebel Greek island of Psara. In two days, an estimated 18,000 Greeks were killed or taken as slaves, virtually depopulating the island and leaving it entirely in ruins.[3]
• The Third Siege of Missolonghi (April 15,1825–1826): Following a brutal, year-long starvation blockade by combined Ottoman and Egyptian forces, the surviving population attempted a desperate breakout. The city was overrun, resulting in the immediate slaughter of thousands of Greek civilians and the enslavement of up to 4,000 women and children.[4]
• The Damascus Events (July 9-17, 1860): Following sectarian unrest in Lebanon, violent mobs and militias targeted the historic Christian quarter of Damascus. While Maronites were targeted in the mountains, the victims in Damascus were predominantly Greek Orthodox. Local Ottoman garrison forces actively colluded with the rioters, who torched the historic Greek Orthodox Mariamite Cathedral and systematically slaughtered between 3,000 and 10,000 Christians, forcing a direct military intervention by Western powers. Fearing European retribution, the Ottomans were forced to punish the very perpetrators they had supported.[5]
• The Hamidian Massacres (Summer of 1894–1896): Precursors to the later genocides, these state-sanctioned pogroms under Sultan Abdul Hamid II targeted primarily Ottoman Armenians across Anatolia. Assyrians were also targeted and Greeks to a lesser degree. An estimated 100,000 to 300,000 Armenians and 25,000 Assyrians were killed, and hundreds of thousands displaced or forcibly converted to Islam.[6]
• The Adana Massacre (April 1909): Anti-Armenian pogroms orchestrated amid the political instability of the Young Turk Revolution resulted in the slaughter of an estimated 20,000 to 30,000 Armenian civilians in the province of Adana.[7]
• The Massacres of Unarmed Greeks in Eastern Thrace (1912-1913): During the period of the Balkan Wars, 15,690 unarmed Greeks were massacred in Eastern Thrace by Ottoman forces.[8] 
• The Greek Genocide (April 6, 1914-1923): The systematic extermination of the native Greek subjects of the Ottoman Empire that resulted in the slaughter of over 1 million Greeks.[9]
• The Great Famine of Mount Lebanon (c. January 1915–1918): A weaponized food blockade and crop requisitioning policy overseen by Ottoman military governor Djemal Pasha that starved 200,000 to 300,000 Maronite and other Christians. It should be noted: although the Great Famine is generally dated 1915–1918, its actual start is considered to be November 13, 1914—two weeks after the Ottoman Empire entered WWI—when citizens stormed the Beirut municipality to report a grain shortage. Ottoman authorities disregarded the report, fully aware that the government itself had engineered the crisis.[10][11]
• The Assyrian Genocide (c. early January 1915-1923): The systematic extermination of the native Assyrian subjects of the Ottoman Empire that resulted in the slaughter of an estimated 300,000 Assyrians (based around the 1923 Lausanne estimate) to 750,000 (based on the findings of Assyrian-American researcher Peter Pnuel BetBasoo and the Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention).[12][13][14] 
• The Armenian Genocide (April 24, 1915-1923): The systematic extermination of the native Armenian subjects of the Ottoman Empire that resulted in the slaughter of 1.5 million Armenians. This remains one of the most thoroughly documented genocides in modern history.[15]
  
  

Early Republican-Era State Violence (late 1923 to 1938)

The transition of the Ottoman Empire to a secular republic in 1923 did not halt internal mass atrocities. The early state apparatus heavily suppressed ethnic and religious minorities to enforce a singular, homogenized national identity:

• The Zilan Massacre (July 12-13, 1930): The slaughter of 5,000 to 15,000 Kurdish civilians in the Zilan Valley during the military suppression of the Ararat rebellion. While the baseline figure for the massacre is generally considered to be 5,000, the Turkish newspaper Cumhuriyet (July 16, 1930) reported a figure of 15,000, and some Kurdish sources estimate the death toll up to 47,000.[16]
• The Dersim Massacre / Genocide (May 1, 1937–1938): A massive military campaign using aerial bombardments (including chemical weapons) and widespread executions against the Alevi Kurds of Dersim (renamed Tunceli). It resulted in the deaths of up to 70,000 civilians.[17]
  
  

Late 20th-Century Sectarian Pogroms
​

• The Istanbul Pogrom (September 6-7, 1955): State-orchestrated, organized mob attacks targeting Istanbul’s remaining Greek, Armenian, and Jewish citizens, causing massive property destruction and triggering the final mass emigration of Greeks from Turkey. It is estimated that during the two-day pogrom, 37 people were killed, over a thousand were injured, and hundreds of women and children were raped. It was widely reported that Greek men were subjected to forced circumcisions. Damage was estimated at around $US500 million.[18]
• The Maraş Massacre (December 19-26,1978): A week-long killing spree targeting leftists, Kurds, and the Alevi religious minority in Kahramanmaraş, Turkey, between December 19 and 26, 1978. Orchestrated primarily by the neo-fascist Grey Wolves and local right-wing groups with the support of Turkey's national intelligence service, the violence resulted in the deaths of 111 people according to official estimates, though independent sources place the true death toll in the hundreds. The atrocities involved the destruction of hundreds of homes and businesses. The Turkish government eventually declared martial law to restore order.[19]
• The Sivas Massacre (July 2, 1993): A massacre committed by an angry mob of radical Islamists who set fire to the Madimak Hotel in Sivas, Turkey, killing 35 people. The victims were predominantly Alevi intellectuals, writers, and artists who had gathered for a cultural festival, including the prominent translator and author Aziz Nesin, who survived the attack. The crowd was angered by Nesin's presence due to his translation of Salman Rushdie's controversial novel "The Satanic Verses." The incident remains a deeply traumatic event for Turkey's Alevi minority, who accuse the state security forces of failing to intervene during the hours-long siege.[20]

Part II: Turning Turkey's Archives Against Denial

Modern genocide scholars have successfully turned Turkey’s own institutional records against state denial, utilizing official Ottoman and Turkish state archives to verify historical atrocities despite multiple waves of systemic purging. Turkish historians like Taner Akçam bypassed strict state restrictions by making definitive archival breakthroughs within the Ottoman Prime Ministerial Archives (Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi). A critical component of this research involved the discovery of a decoupled cipher system hidden within a massive repository of everyday administrative telegrams. By cross-referencing public four-digit numbering cipher keys with encrypted trial records, scholars successfully verified the authenticity of absolute killing orders dispatched directly from Istanbul.[21][22]

Furthermore, these archives expose a highly organized campaign of demographic engineering run directly by the Ottoman Interior Ministry. In the case of the Armenians, meticulous archival logs prove that regional governors received strict commands to ensure that relocated Armenian populations never exceeded 5% to 10% of the local Muslim population in any given area.[23] This strict preoccupation with population percentages mathematically confirms a deliberate, top-down blueprint for systemic erasure rather than the chaotic, unintended consequences of wartime relocation.

The structural logistics of this erasure are further laid bare in abandoned property (Emval-i Metruke) ledger books recovered from the state archives.[24] These property liquidation records outline the organized expropriation, tracking, and reallocation of Christian assets across the empire. By explicitly mapping out how minority wealth was legally stripped and transferred, these official documents prove that the theft of property was directly engineered to build a new Turkish national economy.

Crucially, the state's archives do more than just record the mechanisms of economic theft and destruction; they also preserve a hidden history of internal resistance and administrative guilt that directly shatters the state’s monolithic denial narrative. As demonstrated by Turkish researcher and activist Tamer Çilingir at a landmark 2019 international genocide conference in Athens, Greece, secret minutes of the Turkish National Assembly from 1922 and 1923 that he brought to light serve as damning evidence of the internal fractures surrounding the destruction of the Greek population.

These secret minutes highlight explicit expressions of sorrow, alarm, and profound guilt voiced by contemporary Turkish politicians regarding the horrific brutality of the massacres being committed under their watch. Most damaging to the state-sanctioned narrative, however, is the verification within the state archives of official military execution orders targeting local Turkish Muslims. Çilingir stated that these documents provide empirical, undeniable proof that some Turkish citizens frequently rejected the government's genocidal campaigns. Instead, ordinary Muslims actively risked their lives to secretly shelter, feed, and aid Greek Orthodox Christians hiding from state forces in the mountains.[25]

​Part III: Refuting the "No Colonialism" Claim: Modern Settlement and Occupations

Erdoğan’s claim that Turkey’s history contains “no colonialism” is flatly contradicted by the fact that both the Seljuk and Ottoman Empires were founded on systems of territorial conquest, subjugation, and long‑term colonial administration. Furthermore the modern Turkish Republic continues to orchestrate ongoing policies of military occupation, resource expropriation, demographic engineering, and state‑directed settlement projects beyond its borders:

Illegal Occupation and Settler Colonialism in Northern Cyprus (1974–Present)

Following its military invasion of Cyprus in 1974, Ankara established a de facto partition of the island that has now entered its sixth decade. International legal bodies and historians categorize Turkey's ongoing presence in Cyprus as being illegal. The Turkish government implemented an aggressive campaign of demographic engineering, forcing approximately 170,000 to 200,000 indigenous Greek Cypriots from their ancestral homes in the north. To permanently alter the territory, Turkey initiated a state-sponsored population transfer, importing tens of thousands of mainland Turkish settlers in violation of the Geneva Conventions. This systematic replacement of the indigenous population has effectively transformed the northern territory into a project of settler colonialism.[26]

Crucially, this systematic demographic engineering has devastated not only the displaced Greek Cypriots but has structurally eroded the autonomy of the island's secular Turkish Cypriot population as well. As highlighted by Evangelos Savva, the Ambassador of Cyprus to the United States, before the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission on June 30, 2026, the influx of mainland settlers has been so overwhelming that today, Turkish Cypriots have been rendered a clear demographic minority in the occupation zone, completely eclipsed by Anatolian Turkish settlers.

To cement this control, Turkey enforced a comprehensive program of cultural and economic assimilation designed to integrate the occupied territory into the state fabric of the mainland. By introducing the Turkish Lira, routing all postal and communication networks exclusively through Ankara, and maintaining heavy financial oversight, Turkey has effectively forced a permanent dependency on the Turkish mainland.[27]

Neo-Colonialism in Northern Syria (2016–Present)

During the Syrian civil war, the Turkish military launched successive operations to occupy a 30-kilometre-deep buffer zone in northern Syria.[28] Political scientists and human rights monitors have documented this intervention as a textbook case of transformative military occupation with distinct neo-colonial patterns.[29] Central to this strategy is a systematic process of administrative and cultural erasure, wherein Turkey brought local Syrian health, education, and judicial sectors directly under the bureaucratic control of the Hatay governorate inside Turkey. Under this centralized authority, school curricula were forcefully changed to Turkish, the Turkish Lira was introduced as the primary currency, and indigenous Kurdish street names and cultural holidays were strictly banned.

Military Intervention and Drone Warfare in Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh) (2020-2023)

Turkey's contemporary regional ambitions have heavily shaped the map of the South Caucasus, utilizing modern military force to directly alter local demographics. During the 2020 Second Nagorno-Karabakh War, Turkey provided decisive, direct military, intelligence, and logistical support to Azerbaijan. Under this framework, Turkish senior military personnel directed operational planning while advanced drones, including sophisticated Canadian drone technology[30], were deployed to obliterate Armenian defenses. The resulting military victory by Baku successfully broke a three decade stalemate, directly paving the way for the total exodus and ethnic cleansing of around 120,000 indigenous Armenians from Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh) in 2023.

Opportunistic Bombing of Kurdish Infrastructure in Syria and Iraq (as of October 2023)

The modern Turkish state's long-standing campaign against Kurdish populations has frequently relied on capitalizing on global distractions to advance cross-border operations without international pushback. In October 2023, while the entire international community's attention was gripped by the immediate fallout of the October 7 terror attacks in Israel and the resulting crisis in Gaza, Ankara launched an intense, devastating campaign of air and drone strikes against Kurdish regions in Syria and Iraq.[31][32] This strategic timing allowed Turkey to escalate its military footprint with minimal diplomatic friction from Western allies or regional bodies.

Striking across northern Iraq and northeast Syria, the Turkish Armed Forces targeted and severely damaged vital humanitarian infrastructure, including water pumping stations, electricity plants, oil refineries, and domestic gas facilities. The resulting destruction crippled the region's essential resource networks. Highlighting the sheer scale of the offensive, human rights organizations reported over 1,000 individual airstrikes carried out in Iraq by mid-2024.[33]

Part IV: Legalized Silence — Article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code

The enforceability of historical denialism within Turkey is not passive; it is legally mandated by the state’s judicial apparatus. The primary legal mechanism used to punish dissidents, journalists, and academics who attempt to discuss these historical atrocities is Article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code.

Article 301 criminalizes the act of publicly "insulting the Turkish Nation, the State of the Republic of Turkey, or the Grand National Assembly of Turkey." Anyone convicted under this law faces a prison sentence ranging from six months to two years.[34] The law has been used aggressively to target individuals who publicly use the word "genocide" or publish works detailing the massacres of minorities.

Prominent intellectuals, including Nobel Laureate Orhan Pamuk, were prosecuted under this statute for mentioning the mass killings of Armenians and Kurds.[35] Similarly, peace activist Yannis Vasilis Yaylali was imprisoned for two years for simply commemorating the victims of the Armenian and Greek genocides.[36]

The danger of this state-sponsored legal targeting was fully realized in the landmark case of Hrant Dink, a prominent Turkish-Armenian journalist. Dink was repeatedly prosecuted and convicted under Article 301 for his writings on the Armenian Genocide.[37] The state's public legal campaign painted him as a traitor, creating a hostile domestic environment that ultimately culminated in his assassination by an ultranationalist in 2007. Though the law was amended in 2008 to require explicit permission from the Ministry of Justice before filing a case, it remains a powerful tool of state censorship, effectively enforcing a state-approved history through fear.

Part V: The Danger of Erdogan's Moral Superiority and Selective Moralism

President Erdoğan’s speech attempted to build a shield of moral superiority by contrasting the humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza with an idealized version of Turkish history. In condemning the staggering loss of innocent life in Gaza, Erdoğan sought to position himself as a champion of universal human rights. However, true moral authority cannot exist alongside selective historical amnesia. Using today's tragedies to hide from past wrongdoings is a common political tactic; however, it creates a dangerous contradiction that ultimately weakens the international laws he tries to invoke.

This contradiction is rooted in a glaring double standard regarding state violations of international law. A government cannot legitimately weaponize the framework of international law to condemn mass atrocities, forced displacement, and resource expropriation in one geographic theater while simultaneously using domestic statutes like Article 301 to criminalize any mention of identical, state-orchestrated violations in its own past. Dismissing the heavily documented history of the Armenian, Greek, and Assyrian genocides as mere "slander" utilizes the exact same language of denialism that has historically been deployed globally to shield perpetrators of mass violence from accountability. Furthermore, asserting that Turkey's past contains "only justice and compassion" effectively erases the generational trauma and lived experiences of the millions of indigenous minorities who were systematically uprooted from Eastern Thrace, Anatolia, the Armenian Highlands, Cyprus, and the Levant.

Ultimately, human rights are, by definition, universal and indivisible. The suffering of civilians in Gaza must be condemned unequivocally on its own terms, but it cannot be used as an ideological tool to absolve any state of its own historical or contemporary crimes. Genuine moral leadership on the world stage requires an uncompromising consistency, demanding that a nation extend the same compassion and structural legal accountability it claims to champion abroad to the victims recorded within its own past.

Conclusion

Sweeping claims of historical perfection are the tools of political convenience, not historical reality. The transition of power across the late Ottoman Empire and the Republic of Turkey is an undeniably complex, deeply scarred legacy that requires transparency, open archival access, and the courage to face dark chapters honestly. To truly heal these systemic wounds, Turkey should implement a Truth and Reconciliation process inspired by the Canadian model. Such a framework would allow the state to confront past state-sponsored injustices through public testimony, rigorous education, and official accountability, proving that true justice and international credibility cannot be built on state-enforced silence. For Turkey, achieving genuine moral leadership on the world stage requires abandoning defensive political rhetoric and extending the same compassion it demands for victims abroad to the memory of the victims within its own historical ledger.

Sources:

[1] Mellby, J. (2019, May 7). The hanging of Gregory V in Constantinople. Graphic Arts, Princeton University Library. https://graphicarts.princeton.edu/2019/05/07/the-hanging-of-gregory-v-in-constantinople/

[2] Cartledge, Y. (2024, April 15). The Chios Massacre (1822) and Chiot Emigration [Invited talk]. Festival Hellenika 2024, Adelaide, SA, Australia. https://researchnow.flinders.edu.au/en/activities/the-chios-massacre-1822-and-chiot-emigration-2/

[3] Hellenic Army General Staff. (2024, June 22). The destruction of Psara. https://stelexi.army.gr/en/events/the-destruction-of-psara/

[4] Pavlopoulos, P. (2026, March 24). The heroic exodus of Messolonghi as a timeless source of inspiration for the fulfillment of our national obligations. Hellenic Canadian Research Institute. https://www.hellenicinstitute.ca/news/the-heroic-exodus-of-messolonghi-as-a-timeless-source-of-inspiration-for-the-fulfillment-of-our-national-obligations

[5] Sharkey, H. J. (2025). Damascus, Syria, 1860: Clues and lessons from the scene of a crime. Bustan: The Middle East Book Review, 16(1), 3–15. https://scholarlypublishingcollective.org/psup/bustan/article/16/1/3/401165/Damascus-Syria-1860-Clues-and-Lessons-from-the

[6] Adalian, R. P. (n.d.). Hamidian massacres. Armenian National Institute. armenian-genocide.org

[7] The Armenian Genocide Museum-Institute. (n.d.). Adana massacres 1909: Unknown scenes of the tragedy. genocide-museum.am

[8] Greek Genocide Resource Center. (2020, July 14). Eastern Thrace: The first phase of the Greek genocide. https://www.greek-genocide.net/index.php/overview/documentation/eastern-thrace

[9] Greek Genocide Resource Center. (n.d.). Greek Genocide Resource Center. https://www.greek-genocide.net/

[10] Kafno.org. (n.d.). Kafno never ended. https://kafno.org/

[11] Bulut, U. (2026, May 16). Kafno: The Lebanese Maronite Genocide. SyriacPress. https://syriacpress.com/blog/2026/05/16/kafno-the-lebanese-maronite-genocide/

[12] Seyfo Center. (n.d.). The Assyrian Genocide. Seyfo Center: Assyrian Genocide Research Center. seyfocenter.com

[13] Assyrian International News Agency. (n.d.). 750,000 Assyrians were killed in World War One. aina.org

[14] Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention [@LemkinInstitute]. (2023, June 17). The @LemkinInstitute remembers the estimated 750,000 Assyrians that were murdered during the #Assyrian Genocide, Seyfo, beginning in 1915. [Post]. X. https://x.com/LemkinInstitute/status/1669966982291292160

[15] Adalian, R. P. (n.d.). Encyclopedia entries on the Armenian Genocide. Armenian National Institute. https://www.armenian-genocide.org/genocide.html

[16] Hun, M. Ö. (2025, July 13). The Zilan Massacre: Anatomy of a historical turning point. Hun Academy. https://hunacademy.com/en/zilan-katliami-bir-tarihi-donum-noktasinin-anatomisi-en/

[17] Omar, A. (2025, May 11). The Dersim Massacre. KGNA. https://kgna.krd/15269/

[18] de Zayas, A. (2007). The Istanbul Pogrom of 6–7 September 1955 in the light of international law. Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal, 2(2), Article 4. https://digitalcommons.usf.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1206&context=gsp

[19] Kurdish Institute Brussels. (2014, December 19). A black mark on Turkey; Maraş Massacre. https://www.kurdishinstitute.be/en/a-black-mark-on-turkey-maras-massacre/

[20] United States Commission on International Religious Freedom. (2021, July 2). Sivas Massacre and Turkey's persecution of the Alevi community[Post]. https://www.uscirf.gov/news-room/uscirf-spotlight/sivas-massacre-and-turkeys-persecution-alevi-community

[21] Akçam, T. (2006). Deportation and massacres in the cipher telegrams of the Interior Ministry in the Prime Ministerial Archive (Başbakanlık Arşivi). Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal, 1(3), 305–325. https://digitalcommons.usf.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1232&context=gsp

[22] Agos. (2016, October 11). Akcam: The authenticity of the Naim Efendi memoirs and Talat Pasha telegrams. Armenian Weekly. https://armenianweekly.com/2016/10/11/akcam-memoirs-telegrams/

[23] Carter, C. (2012, September). The crime that dare not speak its name. Origins: Current Events in Historical Perspective. https://origins.osu.edu/review/crime-dare-not-speak-its-name

​[24] The Promise Armenian Institute. (n.d.). The auctioning of stolen Armenian properties: Emval-i Metruke. University of California, Los Angeles. https://www.international.ucla.edu/armenia/stolenarmenianproperties

[25] Livemedia. (2019, December 7). International Conference on the crime of Genocide native language 07/12/19 [Video]. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Djvaf1oq2Vo

[26] Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe. (2002, November 1). Colonisation by Turkish settlers of the occupied part of Cyprus (Doc. 9799). https://assembly.coe.int/nw/xml/XRef/X2H-Xref-ViewHTML.asp?FileID=10153⟨=EN

[27] Hellenic Canadian Research Institute. (2026, June 26). US congressional hearing on Erdoğan's human rights record in Turkish-occupied Cyprus to take place before NATO Summit. https://www.hellenicinstitute.ca/news/us-congressional-hearing-on-erdogans-human-rights-record-in-turkish-occupied-cyprus-to-take-place-before-nato-summit

[28] Al Mayadeen English. (2022, May 20). Syria condemns Turkish statements regarding 'safe zone' in the north. almayadeen.net.

[29] Human Rights Watch. (2024, February 29). Syria: Abuses, impunity in Turkish-occupied territories. https://www.hrw.org/news/2024/02/29/syria-abuses-impunity-turkish-occupied-territories

​[30] CBC News. (2020, October 6). Canada suspends arms export permits to Turkey [Video]. CBC. https://www.cbc.ca/player/play/video/1.5753052

[31] Syrians for Truth and Justice. (2024, June 26). “As if an earthquake had struck”: Turkish airstrikes are killing life in northeast Syria. https://stj-sy.org/en/as-if-an-earthquake-had-struck-turkish-airstrikes-are-killing-life-in-northeast-syria/

[32] Khoshnaw, N., Giles, C., & Smith, S. (2024, November 19). Turkish strikes in Syria cut water to one million people. BBC News. https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c79zj7rz3l4o

[33] Turkish Minute. (2024, June 15). Turkey has conducted nearly 1,000 attacks in Iraqi Kurdistan in 2024: Rights group. https://turkishminute.com/2024/06/15/turkey-has-conducted-nearly-1000-attack-in-iraqi-kurdistan-in-2024-rights-group

​[34] Amnesty International. (2006, March). Turkey: Article 301: How the law on “denigrating Turkishness” is an insult to free expression (EUR 44/003/2006). https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/eur440032006en.pdf

[35] Amnesty International. (2006, January 23). Turkey: Court drops case against novelist Orhan Pamuk (EUR 44/001/2006). https://www.amnesty.org/es/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/eur440012006en.pdf

[36] Hellenic Canadian Research Institute. (2026, July 4). Yaylali issues urgent open letter for support ahead of August 3 asylum hearing. https://www.hellenicinstitute.ca/news/yaylali-issues-urgent-open-letter-for-support-ahead-of-august-3-asylum-hearing

[37] Amnesty International. (2007, January 19). Turkey: Turkish-Armenian journalist murdered (EUR 44/001/2007). https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/eur440012007en.pdf

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HCRI

Following his diplomatic mission to Cyprus, UN Secretary-General António Guterres delivered the following statement during a press conference:

​"Good afternoon to all of you, distinguished members of the media.

I want to begin by expressing my deep appreciation for the warm welcome I have received from all Cypriots during my first visit here.

Cyprus is an island of remarkable history, rich culture, and enduring resilience. It is also a place where the beauty and potential of the present co-exist with the scars of a painful past. During my visit, I have seen both. But, above all, I have witnessed a deep desire among Cypriots to build a more peaceful and shared future.

As Secretary-General, from the earliest days of my mandate, acting in line with the United Nations parameters, I have sought, through my good offices, to assist Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots in their efforts to reach a comprehensive, sustainable solution to the Cyprus issue. The United Nations has consistently worked toward this objective.

We met in Geneva and in Crans Montana in 2017, in Berlin in 2019, in Geneva in 2021, and again in New York and Geneva in 2024 and 2025. In this context, it was my duty to come to Cyprus to express my full solidarity with the people of Cyprus in their quest for a solution. This is the moment when all efforts must be made to rebuild trust. To that end, it is essential to redouble efforts to define and implement confidence-building measures that can make a difference in the daily lives of all Cypriot. I appeal to the two leaders to intensify these efforts. My Personal Envoy, Ms. Maria Angela Holguin, has been working with the parties – building on past UN efforts – and what she has heard directly from Cypriots themselves.

Throughout this visit, I have also had the opportunity to hear from many Cypriots. Their message was clear. They want progress. They want to see their leaders make compromises and to walk that last mile towards a settlement of the Cyprus issue. They want a future in which this island is defined not by division, but by cooperation, opportunity, and peace. That was also the spirit of my frank and contructive discussions with the two leaders, both separately and together. Both Mr. Erhürman and Mr. Christodoulides assured me of their determination to continue to work in earnest with my Personal Envoy.

Based on our discussions on the way forward, I decided that I would convene another 5+1 meeting, after adequate preparations on confidence building, methodology and substance, taking into account the convergences already achieved. We will work in consultation with the two sides and the guarantors, to create the conditions for the meeting’s success.

In relation to the situation on the ground, I would like to emphasize the need to respect the mandated authority of the UN peacekeeping operation in Cyprus – UNFICYP – both in the buffer zone and the UN-delineated ceasefire lines. For more than six decades, UNFICYP has helped maintain calm and stability in a sensitive environment. Its continued effectiveness depends on the cooperation of all sides.

I was impressed by the work of the Committee on Missing Persons and the remarkable bi-communal efforts to respond to the anxiety of the families of all missing persons. I was equally impressed by the work of the bicommunal Technical Committees, that are bridging the gap between the political track and everyday citizens, and finding practical solutions. And I had the opportunity to engage constructively with members of the civil society.

The international community has also an important role to play on the Cyprus issue. In particular, I count on the continued support of the three guarantors – Greece, Turkey, and the United Kingdom.

Finally, I wish to once again recognize the significant contributions of the staff of UNFICYP and my Mission of Good Offices. They are all playing critical roles in advancing peace and stability and the prospects of a peaceful solution. I was pleased to convey my gratitude to them in person during my stay here.

The United Nations cannot impose peace. But let me be very clear: the United Nations remains fully committed to supporting the people of Cyprus in this crucial moment for the island and the wider region.

Thank you"

_____
​UN; UNCT

The recent unanimous decision of UNESCO’s World Heritage Committee to inscribe the wider Olympus region as a mixed cultural and natural heritage site represents a significant development in the international recognition of Greece’s cultural and environmental patrimony. Announced during the Committee’s 48th Session in Busan, South Korea (taking place from July 19–29, 2026), the designation acknowledges the dual significance of Olympus as both a locus of ancient mythological tradition and an area of exceptional ecological value.

From a cultural perspective, Mount Olympus occupies a central position in the intellectual and symbolic landscape of ancient Greece. As the mythological residence of the Twelve Olympian Gods, the mountain has exerted a profound influence on Greek literature, religious thought, and artistic expression. Its presence in the Homeric epics, Hesiod’s Theogony, and subsequent classical texts contributed to the formation of a shared cultural vocabulary that extended far beyond the boundaries of the ancient Greek world. This cultural resonance persists today, informing contemporary artistic, philosophical, and scholarly engagement with the mountain.

The natural heritage of Olympus is equally distinguished. Declared Greece’s first National Park in 1938, the mountain constitutes one of the country’s most important biodiversity refuges. Its steep altitudinal gradients, proximity to the Aegean Sea, and geomorphological complexity have produced a unique ecological environment. Olympus hosts nearly 2,000 plant taxa — including 27 endemic species found exclusively on the mountain — as well as diverse populations of birds, mammals, reptiles, amphibians, and invertebrates. This concentration of endemic flora and fauna positions Olympus as a critical site for the study and conservation of Mediterranean biodiversity.

The inscription is the outcome of a sustained collaborative effort between Greece's Ministry of Culture, the Ministry of Environment and Energy, and the Natural Environment and Climate Change Organization. The nomination dossier, prepared through interdisciplinary cooperation, successfully met UNESCO’s stringent criteria for mixed cultural and natural heritage sites — a category reserved for locations where cultural significance and natural value are inseparably intertwined.

​With this designation, Olympus joins Meteora and Mount Athos as Greece’s third mixed cultural and natural heritage site, bringing the nation’s total number of World Heritage inscriptions to twenty‑one. The archaeological site of Dion, situated at the foot of the mountain, further reinforces the region’s cultural importance, providing material evidence of the ancient cultic practices associated with the Olympian Gods and forming an integral component of the broader cultural landscape. The inscription of Olympus underscores the necessity of integrated heritage management strategies that address both cultural and ecological dimensions. It affirms the mountain’s enduring role as a site of global cultural significance and as a vital reservoir of biodiversity. Moreover, it highlights Greece’s commitment to safeguarding its heritage through coordinated policy, scientific research, and sustainable development initiatives.

_____
HCRI; UNESCO; MINCUL.

By Stylianos Kavazis, Researcher
Translated into English and republished with the author's permission

There are historical falsehoods repeated so often that some begin to mistake them for truths. One of the most persistent is the claim that the Eastern Roman Empire — the so‑called “Byzantine Empire” — supposedly acted as the gravedigger of ancient Greek heritage.

Nothing could be further from reality.

If the Byzantine Empire had truly waged war against Greek antiquity, then how were Homer, Plato, Aristotle, Sophocles, Euripides, Aeschylus, Aristophanes, Pindar, Theocritus, Lucian, Euclid, Ptolemy, Archimedes, and countless other creators of the Greek intellectual tradition preserved?

Who copied their manuscripts generation after generation?

Who taught their works in the schools of Constantinople?

​Who commented on them, interpreted them, corrected them, and ultimately delivered them intact to fuel the Western Renaissance?

The answer is clear and unequivocal: The Byzantine Empire.

It's the uninformed and fringe critics who always invoke the same few isolated incidents [to prove their position that the Byzantines waged war against Greek antiquity]. Yet they deliberately ignore the larger picture. They overlook the thousands of monks who, in the quiet scriptoria of monasteries, devoted their lives to copying the works of the ancient Greeks. They overlook Saint Basil the Great, who urged young people to study Greek literature. They overlook John Chrysostom, the Cappadocian Fathers, Maximus the Confessor, and so many others who possessed a deep knowledge of Greek philosophy and used its language and concepts to articulate Christian theology.

They also overlook the fact that in the schools of Constantinople, students were taught Homer, the tragic poets, Aristophanes, Hesiod, rhetoric, dialectic, philosophy, astronomy, history, and geography.

They also overlook that Arethas of Caesarea preserved invaluable codices of Plato, Euclid, Aristotle, and many others. They overlook Eustathius of Thessaloniki, John Tzetzes, Maximus Planudes, Demetrios Triklinios, Thomas Magistros, and so many scholars who dedicated their lives to studying and safeguarding the ancient authors. In medicine, the works of Hippocrates and Galen were maintained. In mathematics, the studies of Archimedes and Euclid were revived. In philosophy, Plato and Aristotle never ceased to be subjects of rigorous study. In rhetoric, literature, art, architecture, and the sciences, the Greek tradition did not vanish — it continued to breathe.

The Byzantine Empire was not a museum of antiquities. It was a living civilization that did not preserve Greek heritage as a dead exhibit, but transformed it into the foundation of its own intellectual creativity. And for that reason, it succeeded in transmitting it to the generations that followed.

It is no coincidence that when Constantinople fell in 1453, its scholars carried hundreds of Greek manuscripts to Italy, playing a decisive role in the Renaissance. Europe rediscovered ancient Greece through the very books that the Byzantine Empire had safeguarded. The true destruction of our cultural heritage did not come from the Byzantine Empire, but from those who plundered Constantinople in 1204. The Crusaders burned libraries, destroyed monuments, and seized countless treasures — many of which still adorn Western museums and churches today.

​History is not written with slogans or ideological fixations. It is written with sources, evidence, and facts. The Byzantine Empire was not the executioner of Greece; it was the brilliant and indisputable bridge that connected the classical Greek world with modern Hellenism. It was the Ark in which ancient Greek wisdom was preserved while the rest of the world sank into darkness. Those who insist on portraying the Byzantine Empire as an enemy of Greek antiquity are not merely opposing a historical period — they are opposing historical truth itself.

_____
A note about the image of the famous 10th century manuscript of the Iliad which is currently preserved in Venice, Italy:

It stands as one of the most irrefutable proofs that the Byzantine Empire did not destroy ancient Greek literature, but copied it, studied it, commented on it, and passed it on alive to future generations — and through them, to all humanity.

A characteristic example: the commentaries of Eustathius, Archbishop of Thessaloniki, on the Iliad are enormous, occupying nearly 4,000 oversized pages in a modern printed edition of the twenty‑first century, while his commentaries on the Odyssey approach 2,000 pages.

The Hellenic Canadian Research Institute extends its heartfelt congratulations to His Eminence Archbishop-elect Apostolos (formerly Metropolitan of New Jersey) on his historic election to the Archiepiscopal Throne of Canada by the Holy and Sacred Synod of the Ecumenical Patriarchate.

We celebrate this significant milestone for the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese of Canada. We hope his ministry will usher in a bright and inspiring new chapter for the faithful across the nation.

We wish His Eminence a blessed, healthy, and fruitful archpastoral ministry.

Axios!


//

​
Το Ελληνοκαναδικό Ερευνητικό Ινστιτούτο Συγχαίρει τον Νέο Αρχιεπίσκοπο Καναδά Απόστολο

Το Ελληνοκαναδικό Ερευνητικό Ινστιτούτο εκφράζει τα θερμά του συγχαρητήρια προς τον Σεβασμιώτατο Αρχιεπίσκοπο εκλεγέντα κ. Απόστολο (πρώην Μητροπολίτη Νέας Ιερσέης) για την ιστορική εκλογή του στον Αρχιεπισκοπικό Θρόνο του Καναδά από την Αγία και Ιερά Σύνοδο του Οικουμενικού Πατριαρχείου.

Χαιρετίζουμε αυτό το σημαντικό ορόσημο για την Ιερά Αρχιεπισκοπή Καναδά. Ελπίζουμε ότι η διακονία του θα σημάνει την έναρξη ενός λαμπρού και ελπιδοφόρου νέου κεφαλαίου για τους πιστούς σε ολόκληρη τη χώρα.

Ευχόμαστε στον Σεβασμιώτατο μια ευλογημένη, υγιή και καρποφόρα αρχιποιμαντική διακονία.

Άξιος!

The summer of 1974 marked a critical geopolitical crisis for the Republic of Cyprus. The illegal Turkish military invasion violated international law, forcibly redrew territorial borders, and fractured the island's long-standing social fabric. This operation was the culmination of a destabilization process initiated by Ankara nearly two decades earlier.

Executed in two distinct, devastating waves, the assault began on July 20, 1974, under the code name 'Attila I.' A second, even more aggressive offensive—'Attila II'—was unleashed on August 14. This double-pronged invasion divided the country entirely, resulting in Turkey seizing nearly 37% of the island's territory.

In a matter of weeks, an entire generation was thrust into the horrors of war. Hundreds of thousands of Greek Cypriot civilians were violently displaced from their ancestral homes. Communities were shattered, systemic atrocities were committed, and a permanent division was carved across the landscape.

While official archives preserve political timelines, treaties, and casualty statistics, they often fail to capture the profound psychological trauma of a nation under siege. For that, we must turn to the raw, unyielding perspective of Doros Partasides. In 1974, Partasides was on the front lines as a cameraman and photographer for the Cyprus Broadcasting Corporation (CyBC). Facing a shocked nation and a blind international community, he stepped into the chaos to document the unfolding reality through thousands of photographs. His mission was not just to report, but to capture the sheer magnitude of human suffering across both waves of the conflict.

Armed with his camera amidst the violence, Partasides acted not merely as a photojournalist, but as a custodian of collective memory. His lens looked past the grand rhetoric of generals and politicians, focusing directly into the eyes of the victims—terrified children, dispossessed families, and grief-stricken mothers clutching photographs of the missing.

The images that follow are more than historical documentation; they are an indictment of aggression, a vital display of historical truth, and a universal testament to human resilience in the face of absolute loss. They remind us that the wounds of 1974 are not confined to the past, but remain a living, open scar on the modern world. Through the lens of Doros Partasides, the gallery below documents the raw human toll of the Turkish invasion.

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HCRI; PRKI.

The Levantine Greek Association formally addressed the European Parliament’s Committee on Petitions, calling for urgent European action to protect Syria’s vulnerable Christian communities amid escalating acts of intimidation and discrimination. The petition was presented by Raphael Issa, President and Founder of the Levantine Greek Association, during the Committee's ordinary meeting on July 16, 2026.

The petition highlights the rapidly deteriorating security situation facing Christians in Syria, particularly in the Hama region, where attacks against churches, destruction of property, intimidation of civilians, and systemic discrimination against non-Muslims have become an increasingly grave concern. These developments threaten the continued existence of some of the world's oldest Christian communities—communities that have been integral to the Middle East's cultural and religious heritage for nearly two millennia.

In its petition, The Levantine Greek Association called upon the European Union to:

• Organize an independent fact-finding mission to affected areas of Syria and engage directly with local Christian communities.
  
  
• Intensify diplomatic efforts through the European Commission and the European External Action Service to ensure the protection of Christians and other religious minorities.
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• Condition EU assistance to Syria on measurable improvements in the protection, security, and living conditions of Christian populations, while strengthening monitoring and accountability mechanisms for violations of religious freedom and fundamental human rights.
  
  

The urgency of the petition has been underscored by yet another incident involving the Rūm town of Al-Suqaylabiyah, Syria, where residents reported that individuals from nearby Qal'at al-Madiq entered the town and harassed local civilians. According to local reports, residents successfully expelled the intruders in self-defense. Following the confrontation, threats were reportedly made to return armed and overrun the town.

Standing in solidarity with our Rūm brothers and sisters, we urge the Greek Embassy in Damascus and the governments of Greece and Cyprus to closely monitor developments in Al-Suqaylabiyah, and to pursue all available diplomatic avenues to prevent an attack against one of Syria's historic Rūm communities.


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Επείγουσα έκκληση της Ένωσις Ελληνολεβαντίνων προς την ΕΕ εν μέσω ανανεωμένων απειλών κατά της Αλ-Σουκαϊλαμπίγια

​Η Ένωσις Ελληνολεβαντίνων (Levantine Greek Association) απηύθυνε επίσημη έκκληση προς την Επιτροπή Αναφορών του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου, ζητώντας την κατεπείγουσα ανάληψη ευρωπαϊκής δράσης για την προστασία των ευάλωτων χριστιανικών κοινοτήτων της Συρίας, εν μέσω κλιμακούμενων πράξεων εκφοβισμού και διακρίσεων. Η αναφορά παρουσιάστηκε από τον Ραφαήλ Ίσσα (Raphael Issa), Πρόεδρο και Ιδρυτή της Ένωσις Ελληνολεβαντίνων, κατά την τακτική συνεδρίαση της Επιτροπής στις 16 Ιουλίου 2026.

Η αναφορά υπογραμμίζει τη ραγδαία επιδεινούμενη κατάσταση ασφαλείας που αντιμετωπίζουν οι Χριστιανοί στη Συρία, ιδιαίτερα στην περιοχή της Χάμα, όπου οι επιθέσεις εναντίον εκκλησιών, οι καταστροφές περιουσιών, ο εκφοβισμός αμάχων και οι συστηματικές διακρίσεις εις βάρος των μη μουσουλμάνων προκαλούν ολοένα και σοβαρότερη ανησυχία. Οι εξελίξεις αυτές απειλούν την ίδια την ύπαρξη ορισμένων από τις αρχαιότερες χριστιανικές κοινότητες του κόσμου—κοινότητες που αποτελούν αναπόσπαστο μέρος της πολιτιστικής και θρησκευτικής κληρονομιάς της Μέσης Ανατολής για σχεδόν δύο χιλιετίες.

Στην αναφορά της, η Ένωσις Ελληνολεβαντίνων κάλεσε την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση να:

• Διοργανώσει μια ανεξάρτητη διερευνητική αποστολή στις πληγείσες περιοχές της Συρίας και να έρθει σε απευθείας επαφή με τις τοπικές χριστιανικές κοινότητες.
  
  
• Εντείνει τις διπλωματικές προσπάθειες μέσω της Ευρωπαϊκής Επιτροπής και της Ευρωπαϊκής Υπηρεσίας Εξωτερικής Δράσης για τη διασφάλιση της προστασίας των Χριστιανών και άλλων θρησκευτικών μειονοτήτων.
  
  
• Εξαρτήσει την παροχή βοήθειας της ΕΕ προς τη Συρία από μετρήσιμες βελτιώσεις στην προστασία, την ασφάλεια και τις συνθήκες διαβίωσης των χριστιανικών πληθυσμών, ενισχύοντας παράλληλα τους μηχανισμούς παρακολούθησης και λογοδοσίας για παραβιάσεις της θρησκευτικής ελευθερίας και των θεμελιωδών ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων.
  
  

Ο επείγων χαρακτήρας της αναφοράς υπογραμμίστηκε από ένα ακόμη περιστατικό που σημειώθηκε στην πόλη των Ρωμιών, Αλ-Σουκαϊλαμπίγια (Al-Suqaylabiyah) στη Συρία, όπου οι κάτοικοι ανέφεραν ότι άτομα από τη γειτονική Καλ’άτ αλ-Μαντίκ (Qal'at al-Madiq) εισήλθαν στην πόλη και παρενόχλησαν ντόπιους πολίτες. Σύμφωνα με τοπικές αναφορές, οι κάτοικοι κατάφεραν σε κατάσταση αυτοάμυνας να απομακρύνουν τους εισβολείς. Μετά τη συμπλοκή, αναφέρθηκε ότι εκτοξεύθηκαν απειλές για επιστροφή με τη χρήση όπλων και κατάληψη της πόλης.

Στεκόμενοι στο πλευρό των Ρωμιών αδελφών μας, προτρέπουμε την Ελληνική Πρεσβεία στη Δαμασκό, καθώς και τις κυβερνήσεις της Ελλάδας και της Κύπρου, να παρακολουθούν στενά τις εξελίξεις στην Αλ-Σουκαϊλαμπίγια και να εξαντλήσουν κάθε διαθέσιμη διπλωματική οδό για την αποτροπή μιας επίθεσης εναντίον μιας από τις ιστορικές κοινότητες των Ρωμιών της Συρίας.

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​GRCSYR

Greece is taking a historic step forward in preserving its revolutionary heritage. A landmark donation contract has been officially signed to establish the National Museum for 1821, a new cultural institution entirely dedicated to the Greek War of Independence.

The agreement was finalized by Minister of National Defence Nikos Dendias and Minister of Culture Lina Mendoni. The project is made possible through a generous grant from the Antonios E. Comninos Foundation, represented by its president, Antonios Comninos, alongside Olga Mentzafou, President of the Board of Directors for the National Gallery - Alexandros Soutzos Museum.

The museum will find its home inside a piece of history itself. The Comninos Foundation is providing an exclusive donation of up to €12 million to fully fund the necessary architectural studies and the complete restoration of the Old Military Bakery building complex, located within the Goudi Army Park in Athens.

Once completed, the National Museum for 1821 will serve as the premier sanctuary for the country's revolutionary legacy, bringing together public and private collections. Upon the successful completion of the restoration works, the operation of the museum will fall directly under the Ministry of National Defence.

​During the signing ceremony held on July 9, 2026, the leadership emphasized that this project represents a deep, cooperative effort to bridge Greece's defense, culture, and civic responsibility. National Defence Minister Nikos Dendias opened the remarks by highlighting the significance of the day, noting that a strong, permanent bond has now been forged between the Ministry of National Defence and the Ministry of Culture. He emphasized that this cordial, ongoing collaboration naturally extends from their joint work on the Archaeological Museum to a broader, strategic goal: connecting the nation's Armed Forces directly with Greece's cultural traditions.

Building upon this theme of connection, Minister of Culture Lina Mendoni explained that this initiative goes far beyond launching just another museum. Instead, it creates a permanent gallery dedicated exclusively to the Struggle of 1821, offering our collective memory a space truly worthy of the National Rebirth. For the first time, the visual history of the Revolution will be centralized to actively converse with the past, creating a vital point of reference for future generations.

This vision of preserving history for posterity was mirrored by Antonios Comninos, President of the Antonios E. Comninos Foundation, who stated that the contract lays the foundation for a shared commitment to protect one of the most important chapters of Hellenism. Speaking on behalf of the foundation, he concluded that safeguarding historical memory is not just a philanthropic goal, but a supreme responsibility that is both deeply national and intensely individual.

​This grand project ensures that the sacrifices of 1821 receive a state-of-the-art home, preserving Greece's fight for freedom for generations to come.

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HCRI; MINCUL; MINDEF.

[Note: The Greek version below was sent to the President of the Hellenic Republic]

His Excellency Konstantinos Tasoulas
President of the Hellenic Republic
Sent via email

Your Excellency,

The Hellenic Canadian Research Institute urges Your Excellency to intervene in the political asylum application of Yannis Vasilis Yaylali.

We view Mr. Yaylali’s case with grave concern. This situation represents a critical test for regional security, human rights enforcement, and the protection of state sovereignty against foreign interference. His severe persecution by Turkish authorities stems entirely from his strategic advocacy for the international recognition of the Greek Genocide, his criticism of the Turkish state, and his public reclamation of his Pontic Greek ancestry.

Mr. Yaylali's second-instance hearing on August 3, 2026, carries significant geopolitical implications for the integrity of Greece's borders and asylum frameworks. The initial rejection of his application relied on unverified claims of potential involvement in war crimes. Crucially, the defense is currently blindfolded by a secret state case file that emerged suddenly and unexpectedly. The contents of this file are being entirely withheld from the defense under restricted security protocols.

The sudden appearance of this secret file bears all the strategic markers of the Turkish intelligence agency's state-sponsored subversion. Ankara routinely weaponizes disinformation, fabricated narratives, and fake accusations to manipulate European judicial systems and neutralize high-profile dissidents. Treating an unexamined, secret file as legitimate evidence creates an alarming security loophole; it allows an adversarial foreign intelligence apparatus to dictate Greek asylum outcomes.

Mr. Yaylali has formally aligned himself with the Hellenic Republic, declaring Greece his ancestral homeland and designating the Turkish state as his sole opponent. Granting him asylum is not merely a humanitarian obligation under the principle of non-refoulement; it is a necessary geopolitical stance against transnational repression.

We respectfully urge that your office intervene in these proceedings. We call upon the Greek government and the Independent Appeals Committee to uphold rigorous standards of due process, reject the use of the content of this secret file, and grant Mr. Yaylali immediate political asylum. Returning Mr. Yaylali to Turkey would place him in immediate, severe danger, exposing him to the risk of torture, arbitrary detention, and a clear threat to his life.
​
With highest regards and respect,

The Hellenic Canadian Research Institute

CC: 
Kyriakos Mitsotakis, Prime Minister of the Hellenic Republic
Thanos Plevris, Minister of Migration and Asylum of the Hellenic Republic



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Το Ελληνοκαναδικό Ερευνητικό Ινστιτούτο απευθύνει έκκληση προς τον Πρόεδρο της Ελληνικής Δημοκρατίας για παρέμβαση στην υπόθεση ασύλου του Γιαϊλαλί

Προς την Αυτού Εξοχότητα Κωνσταντίνο Τασούλα
Πρόεδρος της Ελληνικής Δημοκρατίας
Μέσω ηλεκτρονικού ταχυδρομείου

Εξοχότατε κ. Πρόεδρε,

Το Ελληνοκαναδικό Ερευνητικό Ινστιτούτο σάς καλεί να παρέμβετε στην αίτηση πολιτικού ασύλου του Γιάννη Βασίλη Γιαϊλαλί.

Αντιμετωπίζουμε την υπόθεση του κ. Γιαϊλαλί με βαθιά ανησυχία. Η κατάσταση αυτή αποτελεί κρίσιμη δοκιμασία για την περιφερειακή ασφάλεια, την εφαρμογή των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων και την προστασία της κρατικής κυριαρχίας από ξένες παρεμβάσεις. Η σοβαρή δίωξή του από τις τουρκικές αρχές οφείλεται αποκλειστικά στη στρατηγική του δράση υπέρ της διεθνούς αναγνώρισης της Γενοκτονίας των Ελλήνων, στην κριτική του προς το τουρκικό κράτος, και οι δημόσιες δηλώσεις του για την ποντιακή ελληνική καταγωγή του.

Η δευτεροβάθμια ακροαματική διαδικασία του κ. Γιαϊλαλί στις 3 Αυγούστου 2026 φέρει σημαντικές γεωπολιτικές συνέπειες για την ακεραιότητα των ελληνικών συνόρων και το πλαίσιο ασύλου της χώρας. Η αρχική απόρριψη της αίτησής του βασίστηκε σε ατεκμηρίωτους ισχυρισμούς περί πιθανής εμπλοκής σε εγκλήματα πολέμου. Καίριας σημασίας είναι ότι η υπεράσπιση παραμένει ουσιαστικά «τυφλή» απέναντι σε έναν απόρρητο κρατικό φάκελο, ο οποίος εμφανίστηκε αιφνίδια και απροειδοποίητα. Το περιεχόμενο του φακέλου αυτού αποκρύπτεται πλήρως από την υπεράσπιση υπό αυστηρά πρωτόκολλα ασφαλείας.

Η αιφνίδια εμφάνιση αυτού του απόρρητου φακέλου φέρει όλα τα στρατηγικά χαρακτηριστικά της κρατικά υποκινούμενης υπονόμευσης από την τουρκική υπηρεσία πληροφοριών. Η Άγκυρα χρησιμοποιεί συστηματικά παραπληροφόρηση, κατασκευασμένες αφηγήσεις και ψευδείς κατηγορίες για να χειραγωγήσει ευρωπαϊκά δικαστικά συστήματα και να εξουδετερώσει εξέχοντες αντιφρονούντες. Η αντιμετώπιση ενός ανεξέταστου, απόρρητου φακέλου ως νόμιμου αποδεικτικού υλικού δημιουργεί ένα ανησυχητικό κενό ασφαλείας· επιτρέπει σε μια εχθρική ξένη υπηρεσία πληροφοριών να επηρεάζει ελληνικές αποφάσεις ασύλου.

Ο κ. Γιαϊλαλί έχει ευθέως ταυτίσει τον εαυτό του με την Ελληνική Δημοκρατία, δηλώνοντας την Ελλάδα ως πατρίδα των προγόνων του και χαρακτηρίζοντας το τουρκικό κράτος ως τον μοναδικό του αντίπαλο. Η χορήγηση ασύλου δεν αποτελεί απλώς ανθρωπιστική υποχρέωση βάσει της αρχής της μη επαναπροώθησης· συνιστά αναγκαία γεωπολιτική στάση απέναντι στη διακρατική καταστολή.

Σας καλούμε με τον ύψιστο σεβασμό να παρέμβετε στις εν λόγω διαδικασίες. Απευθύνουμε έκκληση προς την Ελληνική Κυβέρνηση και την Ανεξάρτητη Επιτροπή Προσφυγών να τηρήσουν αυστηρά πρότυπα δίκαιης διαδικασίας, να απορρίψουν τη χρήση του περιεχομένου του απόρρητου φακέλου και να χορηγήσουν άμεσα πολιτικό άσυλο στον κ. Γιαϊλαλί. Η επιστροφή του στην Τουρκία θα τον εκθέσει σε άμεσο και σοβαρό κίνδυνο, συμπεριλαμβανομένου του ενδεχομένου βασανιστηρίων, αυθαίρετης κράτησης και σαφούς απειλής κατά της ζωής του.

Με τον ύψιστο σεβασμό και εκτίμηση,

Ελληνοκαναδικό Ερευνητικό Ινστιτούτο

Κοινοποίηση:
Κυριάκος Μητσοτάκης, Πρωθυπουργός της Ελληνικής Δημοκρατίας
​Θάνος Πλεύρης, Υπουργός Μετανάστευσης και Ασύλου της Ελληνικής Δημοκρατίας